Tag: unions

Union Elections Increasing

Why Are Union Elections Increasing in 2022?

The National Labor Relations Board reports a 58% increase in union election petitions through the first three quarters of the 2022 federal fiscal year. Upon first glance, this statistic may seem to reflect a major uptick in union organizing. And, on the raw numbers, it does. But there appear to be two notable causes for union elections increasing in 2022: Starbucks and COVID.

Union Election Petitions

The July 15, 2022 NLRB press release generally refers to the overall increase in “union election petitions.” There are actually an array of circumstances included in these filings. They don’t just refer to cases where a union seeks an election to determine whether they may represent employees.

There were 1,892 “union election petitions” filed with the NLRB between October 1, 2021 and June 30, 2022. Some of these were filed by unions, some by employers, and others by employees, with various objectives. 1,573 of the petitions did seek union representation of then-unrepresented employees. The second largest group were 236 petitions filed by employees seeking to oust their incumbent union. Of the remaining 84 petitions, 41 sought clarification of an existing bargaining unit, for example.

Representation Election Petitions

Petitions where a union seeks initial recognition are known as representation petitions or RC petitions. This category did indeed rise significantly in the first three quarters of FY 2022 compared the same period in FY 2021. They increased 70% overall. But there’s more to the story.

First, 313 of the 1,574 RC petitions involved Starbucks stores. That’s 20% of total representation petition filings–a highly unusual occurrence for a single employer. So, yes, these Starbucks cases are a big deal for the NLRB, which has to process all of these elections. But they’re something of a statistical anomaly in evaluating the overall state of union organizing in 2022. Very few companies operate like Starbucks, with so many corporate-owned locations scattered throughout the country. Even most quick-service food establishments use the franchise model, meaning there are numerous distinct “employers” rather than a single unionizing target.

Without the Starbucks cases, there was only a 36% increase in representation petition filings so far in FY 2022. Which brings us to the second consideration:

COVID-19.

Once you take out the rampant Starbucks unionization, FY 2022 only resembles NLRB filings before the pandemic began around March 2020. See graphs below.

 

The average number of RC petitions for the first three quarters of FY 2017, 2018, and 2019 was 1,255. Almost exactly the same number as were filed in the first nine months of FY 2022 (1,260).

Decertification Election Petitions

For a check on the COVID impact on NLRB union election petition filings, let’s look at decertification petitions (RD). In these cases, employees currently represented by a union are seeking to vote the union out.

We don’t have to worry about any direct Starbucks influence here. A union has to be in place at least a year before it can be voted out. None of the Starbucks stores have yet had a union for that long.

Like representation election petitions, RD filings are up in FY 2022. The 42% increase is actually higher than the Starbucks-excluded increase among RC petitions (36%).

If the 58% overall increase in “union election petitions” were due to more demand to be unionized (other than among Starbucks employees), then that wouldn’t explain the increase in decertification efforts. So, what does? Again, the answer appears to be a return to previous pre-COVID levels.

Again, remarkably, the average number of RD petitions for the first three quarters of FY 2017, 2018, and 2019 (242) was virtually equal to the number filed in the first nine months of FY 2022 (236).

Will Union Elections Continue Increasing Beyond Pre-COVID Levels?

This question remains to be answered. Historically, about 75% of union representation elections petitions are filed in the first 3 quarters of the NLRB’s fiscal year. That means a proportionally equivalent number should be filed between July 1 and September 30, 2022. If we see that approximately 420 RC petitions (excluding Starbucks) are filed in that period, then it would continue to show a return to normalcy rather than a real shift toward increased unionization. A higher number would require further examination. For example, any apparent uptick could be a remnant of artificially low petitions during the height of the COVID pandemic. In other words, unions may still only be making up for lost time rather than experiencing fundamentally renewed interest.

Of course, if your business is union-free and wants to stay that way, the most important union election petition is the one that is or isn’t filed with your name on it. National trends are only one macro-indicator of interest in unionization. Employers should remain alert to the needs and sentiments of their own employees. Keeping them satisfied and feeling respected is the most likely path to staying out of these NLRB statistics.

 

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All data were obtained from the National Labor Relations Board website.

NLRB in 2022 Webinar Cover Slide

NLRB in 2022 (Webinar Recap)

On February 3, 2022, I presented a complimentary webinar entitled “NLRB in 2022”. For those who couldn’t attend the live webinar, I’m happy to make it available for you to watch at your convenience.

In the webinar, I discuss:

  • Who’s in Charge
  • Handbooks & Policies
  • Use of Company Property
  • Unionization

and much more!

In late 2021, the majority on the 5-member National Labor Relations Board shifted from Republican to Democrat control. This shift is expected to result in numerous changes to the Board’s interpretation and application of the National Labor Relations Act. For employers, this means more restrictions on their workplace policies and practices. It could also lead to stronger efforts by labor unions to organize your employees.

Find out how the changes at the NLRB may affect your company and why you might want to start making changes now.

Don’t have time to watch the whole webinar right now? Click here to download the slides from the webinar.

Why You Should Watch “NLRB in 2022”

The NLRB enforces the National Labor Relations Act, which gives both unionized and non-union employees certain rights in the workplace. The extent of these protections tends to shift depending on the makeup of the Board in Washington. With a recent shift to a Democratic majority, we expect the Board to apply the NLRA more broadly, meaning greater restrictions on employer policies and practices.

If your organization is in the private sector (i.e., not a governmental entity), then you are likely subject to the NLRB’s jurisdiction. There are more than 50 categories of cases where the current NLRB leadership may try to reverse course on existing precedents that it deems to be too employer-friendly. Watch this webinar to better understand how anticipated policy shifts could affect your company. And learn why you might want to start making some operational changes even before the NLRB announces new legal interpretations.

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Workplace Safety Committee Rules

NYS DOL Proposes Workplace Safety Committee Rules

The New York HERO Act included provisions enabling workers to form workplace safety committees at their jobs. Those provisions had a November 1, 2021 effective date, and the NYS Department of Labor had promised additional guidance by then. Finally, on December 22, 2021, the DOL issued proposed workplace safety committee rules. Where does this leave employers faced with complying with the HERO Act’s workplace safety committee requirements?

Procedural Status & Impact

As “proposed” rules, the DOL’s latest word on workplace safety committees initially has no formal legal impact. The DOL is scheduled to hold a hearing on the proposed workplace safety committee rules on February 9, 2022. Interested parties may submit written comments on the proposed rules through February 14, 2022. At some point after that date, the DOL may finalize rules regarding the HERO Act‘s workplace safety committee requirements.

Until the DOL publishes final rules, employers face a compliance dilemma. The statutory workplace safety committee provisions have been, at least arguably, in effect since November. Some employers have undoubtedly attempted to comply with the law before these proposed regulations were available. Many of the resultant workplace safety committees may not satisfy the parameters of the proposed regulations, which were not wholly predictable from the statutory language.

There may be a reasonable debate whether employers are legally subject to the workplace safety committee portion of the HERO Act before the DOL finalizes its regulations. Indeed, the statute states that “The commissioner [of labor] shall adopt and amend rules and regulations to effectuate the provisions and purposes of this section.” Until such regulations have been adopted, has the law been effectuated?

Establishment of Workplace Safety Committees

When

Since the HERO Act became law, there has been uncertainty whether all covered employers (private employers with 10+ employees in NYS) must form a workplace safety committee. The DOL’s proposed rules indicate that employers need only recognize a workplace safety committee after at least two employees have requested one in writing.

Upon receiving such requests, employers must respond “with reasonable promptness.”

Interestingly, after one workplace safety committee has been formed at a worksite, the proposed rules provide that the employer must deny subsequent requests and refer them to the existing workplace safety committee.

Where

The HERO Act limits workplace safety committees to one per “worksite.” The proposed workplace safety committee rules address the meaning of “worksite” at length.

Worksites may be a single location or multiple that are in close proximity. However, separate buildings or facilities not close enough together or run distinctly may be considered different worksites. Despite some bright lines, the proposed rule seemingly leaves enough room for ambiguity to frustrate many employers.

The worksite of employees who travel, telecommute, etc., is “the worksite to which they are assigned as their employer’s home base, from which their work is assigned, or to which they report.”

Notably, workers at worksites with less than 10 employees could still form workplace safety committees if the employer has at least 10 employees statewide.

The proposed rules make an exception for “temporary worksites,” where no employee works for less than 20 days. The employer need not recognize a workplace safety committee at such a location.

Who

The law requires that at least two-thirds of the committee’s members be “non-supervisory employees.” The proposed rules define “non-supervisory employees” as those who do not “perform supervisory responsibilities, which includes but is not limited to the authority to direct and/or control the work performance of other employees.” Curiously, the rules further state that non-supervisory employees exclude “managerial and executive employees” without defining those categories.

The DOL proposes a cap on the number of members of a workplace safety committee. Any committee is limited to the lower of 12 members or one-third of the total number of employees at the worksite. The minimum number is three members.

Following the statutory language, the proposed rules state:

At a worksite where there is a collective bargaining agreement in place, the collective bargaining representative shall select the employee representatives, who may be any non-supervisory employee covered by the collective bargaining agreement.

On the other hand:

Non-supervisory employees at a worksite without a collective bargaining agreement in place shall be selected by and amongst the employer’s non-supervisory employees as determined by the non-supervisory employees of the employer.

The DOL provides examples of possible selection methods, including “self-selection,” “nomination by co-workers,” and “elections.”

Surprisingly, the rules don’t specifically address who determines how many non-supervisory employees will be on the committee or who selects them. It only states that the employer must appoint a representative to serve as co-chair. But this employer representative may be “a non-supervisory employee, an officer, the employer, or other representative.” And, according to the proposed rules, “No non-supervisory employee may be a member of two different workplace safety committees for the same employer.”

Committee Activities

The HERO Act provides an assortment of functions for workplace safety committees to serve. The proposed rules offer some effort to clarify them.

The rules go so far as to suggest a workplace safety committee may “establish rules or bylaws,” which “may include but are not limited to procedures for the selection of new members, terms of members, and the training of new members.” However, the DOL cautions that any bylaws that exceed or conflict with the HERO Act’s grant of responsibilities would be ineffectual.

Failing alternative adopted rules or procedures, the proposed regulations provide that committee actions would be taken only by majority vote.

The rules reiterate statutory provisions regarding paid meeting and training time. The employer must pay committee members for participating in meetings of up to two hours per quarter and training of up to 4 hours per year. The DOL suggests committee members can meet or otherwise work on committee matters for more than two hours per quarter outside of work hours and without pay, unless the employer agrees to provide payment.

Employer Obligations

Although the proposed workplace safety committee rules don’t specifically address the committees’ statutory rights to review workplace safety and health policies, they do provide that employers must respond to requests for such policies “within a reasonable amount of time.”

Employers must similarly “respond, in writing, to each safety and health concern, hazard, complaint and other violations raised by the workplace safety committee or one of its members within a reasonable time period.”

Companies must also notify, in advance, their workplace safety committee of any visits by an outside government official enforcing safety and health standards.

What Should New York Employers Do Now?

The best news about the proposed workplace safety committee rules is that they don’t suggest employers must do anything before receiving written requests from at least two employees about the creation of a committee. However, the big questions come if you receive such requests.

Private employers with at least 10 employees in New York are arguably required to allow employees to form a workplace safety committee now. But the path to doing so is fraught.

Employers could attempt, where feasible, to follow the proposed rules. However, it seems highly unlikely that the proposed rules will be adopted in precisely their current form. There are simply too many holes in the regulations for them to stand as proposed. Frankly, one wonders if the DOL even intends, as it often does, that its proposed rules will become the final rules. Perhaps, they just finally issued something to get the process started in the face of a direct legislative mandate that they were already tardy in satisfying.

But employers who wish to ignore the proposed rules in favor of the statutory text will find that lacking in relevant respects. Even the Legislature knew that the HERO Act alone wouldn’t provide a workable framework for creating workplace safety committees. They affirmatively passed that responsibility to the DOL. Which begs a question. . . .

Is the Workplace Safety Committee Component of the HERO Act Legally Enforceable?

I have serious doubts. The statute itself is likely too vague to enforce. Can that be saved by “clarifying” DOL regulations? Perhaps. But is it possible for the DOL to issue regulations that are both consistent with the statutory language and not inconsistent with other legal principles?

The references to worksites with collective bargaining agreements in place seem particularly problematic. Here, the Legislature missed the mark in critical respects. First, it totally ignored the reality that many worksites have multiple bargaining units, potentially with separate unions representing them and/or with multiple collective bargaining agreements. Then there’s the matter of unrepresented non-supervisory employees at worksites with bargaining units. The law and the proposed rules seem to grant the bargaining representative the right to dictate whether such unrepresented employees have any participation in the workplace safety committees. Plus, the law peculiarly relies on the existence of a collective bargaining agreement. But what if the agreement has expired or a representative has been selected, but not yet negotiated a first contract? Does the bargaining representative have no role in determining the workplace safety committee members? Since private-sector collective bargaining is primarily regulated by federal labor laws, is there a preemption question?

Time will tell, but I would be surprised if we don’t see serious challenges to the HERO Act’s whole workplace safety committee scheme. In the meantime, employers facing the formation of workplace safety committees are strongly encouraged to consult with experienced labor and employment counsel.

 

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