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Workplace Dress Codes

NLRB Increases Scrutiny of Workplace Dress Codes

On August 29, 2022, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) found that Tesla’s dress code violated the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). This decision reversed existing precedent, giving employers less leeway in controlling what their employees wear to work. Now, any workplace dress codes that may be read to restrict wearing union insignia or apparel will be presumed to violate federal labor law. Employers must show special circumstances to justify any such policy.

Section 7 Rights

The NLRB’s analysis of workplace dress codes arises under Section 7 of the NLRA. Section 7 grants employees the rights to “self-organization, to form, join, or assist labor organizations, to bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing, and to engage in other concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or other mutual aid or protection.” It also protects employees’ right to refrain from such activities.

Section 7 rights include the prerogative to demonstrate support for a labor union, such as by wearing union insignia on buttons or apparel. However, the right is not absolute and has always been subject to various time, place, and manner restrictions. The scope of those restrictions has fluctuated over the years based on varying views of NLRB members.

Tesla’s Policy

Tesla required production associates manufacturing its electric vehicles to wear assigned company uniforms. The company provided each associate with two pairs of black pants, two black short-sleeve shirts, two black long-sleeve shirts, and a black sweater. The shirts and sweaters bear Tesla’s logo. Supervisors and line inspectors wear red and white shirts, respectively, to distinguish them by job function.

Production associates were allowed to substitute other all-black clothing for the company-issued uniform. However, Tesla’s team-wear policy specified that “[a]alternative clothing must be mutilation free, work appropriate and pose no safety risks (no zippers, yoga pants, hoodies with hood up, etc.).”

Wal-Mart Precedent

In a 2019 decision involving Wal-Mart, the NLRB held that a facially neutral employee appearance policy would be deemed lawful. The burden would then fall to the party challenging dress codes to demonstrate how they unduly restrict employees’ rights to show union support.

The Tesla ruling expressly overrules Wal-Mart. Two NLRB Board members who were in the majority in deciding the Wal-Mart case three years ago dissented in Tesla. The Board majority has shifted to 3-2 control by pro-labor members.

New Standard for Workplace Dress Codes

Under Tesla, the NLRB will find any limitation on employee dress and appearance policies that might limit the display of union insignia to violate the NLRA, unless the employer demonstrates sufficient justification for its policy. Thus, the decision flips the presumption.

There are various situations where the NLRB has permitted limited restrictions on what employees wear. For example, employers may impose restrictions when the display of union insignia “may jeopardize employee safety, damage machinery or products, exacerbate employee dissension, [] unreasonably interfere with a public image the employer has established, or when necessary to maintain decorum and discipline among employees.” But when an employer seeks to uphold their workplace dress code based on any of these rationales, the NLRB will “engage[] in a rigorous, fact-specific inquiry to determine whether the employer actually established the presence of special circumstances in the context of its workplace.”

Employers Beware

Under the new Tesla standard, employers are at risk of having any workplace dress code struck as unlawful. The dissenters hypothesize many scenarios where requiring employees to dress relatively uniformly would not survive the NLRB’s scrutiny. At best, employers would need to rely on exceptions that may or may not be deemed to apply to their situation. Moreover, the NLRB applied its changed standard retroactively to Tesla, demonstrating that any company is at risk of being faulted for relying on an existing exception that the current NLRB majority disagrees with.

In the bigger picture, employers should realize this is just the first significant reversal of NLRB policy by the newly pro-labor Board majority. It is prudent to expect similar rulings beyond the issue of what employees can wear to work. The Wal-Mart ruling followed a 2017 standard for reviewing workplace policies established in a case involving Boeing. The NLRB will likely further erode Boeing‘s relative protection of employers’ rights to control what happens in their workplaces.

 

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PRO Act

PRO Act Reintroduced To Expand Federal Labor Rights

The Protecting the Right to Organize Act (PRO Act) was reintroduced in the U.S. House of Representatives on February 4, 2021. The House passed this bill in 2020, but it was dead on arrival in the then-Republican-controlled Senate. As proposed, the PRO Act remains unlikely to win Senate approval this year. However, Democrats will continue to advocate vigorously for its sweeping pro-labor measures.

PRO Act Targets – What Laws Would Change?

The full PRO Act aims to amend several federal labor laws, including the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) and the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA).

These laws currently govern the relationship between employers and labor unions in private (non-government) workplaces. They address how employees organize to engage in collective bargaining and things like what public disclosures unions must make about their finances. The NLRA also provides direct protections to employees who are not represented by unions.

Expanding Worker Coverage

The PRO Act includes several measures to expand the NLRA’s rights to more workers. It does this by classifying more workers as “employees.”

Independent Contractors

The NLRA covers “employees,” which is defined to exclude some workers in a workplace. One excluded category includes individuals who are off the employer’s payroll, but still provide services for the company. Often identified by receiving a Form 1099 vs. a W-2 for tax purposes, these workers are considered “independent contractors.”

The PRO Act would expand the universe of employees by further limiting those who qualify as independent contractors.

An individual would only qualify as an independent contractor if all of the following apply:

  1. The individual is free from the employer’s control in connection with the performance of the service.
  2. The service is performed outside the usual course of the business of the employer.
  3. The individual is customarily engaged in an independently established trade, occupation, profession, or business of the same nature as that involved in the service performed.

Supervisors

Recognizing that a business must have a management team to represent it in dealing with unions, the NLRA excludes “supervisors” from the group covered as employees.

Currently, a supervisor is “any individual having authority, in the interest of the employer, to hire, transfer, suspend, lay off, recall, promote, discharge, assign, reward, or discipline other employees, or responsibly to direct them, or to adjust their grievances, or effectively to recommend such action, if in connection with the foregoing the exercise of such authority is not of a merely routine or clerical nature, but requires the use of independent judgment.”

The PRO Act would fundamentally change the definition in two ways. First, it would remove “assign” and “responsibly to direct” from the list of supervisory duties. Second, it would require that one or more of the remaining functions occupy “a majority of the individual’s worktime.” The result would be fewer “supervisors” and more “employees.”

Joint Employers

The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), which administers the NLRA, has vacillated on its joint employer standard in recent years. The question is whether two separate business entities both qualify as an employee’s employer. Typical scenarios involve staffing agencies and franchised businesses.

With a current Republican majority, the NLRB has returned to a less expansive interpretation of joint employer status. This approach is generally considered good for business and not as beneficial for employees, or at least unions. The PRO Act would codify a broad joint employer standard. A company would qualify as an individual’s employer even with only indirect control or reserved authority to control the work relationship.

Expanding Workers’ Rights

Some aspects of the PRO Act would diminish employers’ control over their businesses by shifting it to the employees.

Strike Replacements

Unless they have contractually waived the right, employees and their unions may strike to gain bargaining leverage with their employers. Under longstanding law, employers have the right to hire permanent replacements for striking workers in many situations. The PRO Act would strip employers of that right to make it harder for companies to operate without striking workers. It would also enable unions to engage in “secondary” picketing, strikes, or boycotts in support of a third-party company’s workers.

Lockouts

The flip side of going on strike, employers may “lock out” their employees (i.e., keep them from working) during contract negotiations. The PRO Act would prohibit lockouts before the union has initiated a strike.

“Captive Audience Meetings”

The NLRA allows employers to hold meetings where they share their views on a union organizing campaign with employees. Attendance may be mandatory, as the employees are being paid, but employers must stay within legal parameters on what they say.

The PRO Act would make such meetings illegal despite continuing to permit unions to meet with employees they seek to organize.

Additional Issues

The PRO Act is an omnibus pro-labor bill. It contains virtually every legal change unions would universally like to have made to the NLRA. Beyond those described above, provisions include:

  • Requiring employers to maintain existing terms of employment indefinitely until a first contract is negotiated with a newly recognized union.
  • Introducing interest arbitration to establish a first contract, with awards based largely on employee prosperity.
  • Making misclassification of an employee as an independent contractor a direct violation of the NLRA.
  • Prohibiting class-action litigation waivers.
  • Establishing expedited union election rules.
  • Enabling the NLRB to overrule election results and direct union representation upon a finding of employer interference in a fair election.
  • Permitting employees to use company email for “concerted activity,” including unionizing activity.
  • Eliminating “right to work” states by entitling unions to receive “fair share” fees from non-member employees notwithstanding contrary state laws.
  • Compelling employers to notify all employees, including new hires, of their rights under the NLRA.

Expanding Penalties

The NLRA has never relied on extensive monetary damages to compel compliance. Instead, it emphasizes legally enforceable “make whole” orders that require employers to take action consistent with the law (or refrain from inconsistent action). The law does, however, require employers to compensate employees for lost earnings and benefits connected to unlawful conduct.

The PRO Act introduces a broader array of financial consequences for unfair labor practices. Borrowing from other employment laws, it would make front pay and consequential damages, as well as liquidated and punitive damages and attorneys’ fees, recoverable. But it goes further than other federal employment laws by authorizing double liquidated damages (additional damages equal to twice the lost wages award) and eliminating the common mitigation requirement (allowing employees to recover wages even that they have already earned through alternative employment).

In addition to damages payable to workers, the PRO Act introduces various civil penalties payable to the government. Penalties could reach $50,000, or $100,000 for a repeat offense or one that involves employee discharge or serious economic harm.

The PRO Act would also enable employees to bypass the NLRB and take their claims of NLRA violation to the courts in many situations.

Persuader Activity Disclosure

By amending the LMRDA, the PRO Act would require employers to engage in broader public disclosure of arrangements with consultants related to labor-relations activities. This expansion aims to include representation by attorneys, potentially curtailing the attorney-client privilege.

Study of Foreign Labor Laws

The PRO Act requires the Comptroller General to complete a study of “the laws, policies, and procedures in countries outside the United States governing collective bargaining at the level of an industry sector, including the laws, policies, and procedures involved in” issues related to collective bargaining. Congress would receive this report in support of considering additional changes to U.S. labor laws. Recognizing that many countries have a structural history of more extensive union involvement in business operations, this reporting requirement aims to yield even more pro-labor amendments.

Employers Beware

Simply put, the PRO Act would radically alter the landscape of American workplaces, as is the intent. The balance of power would undeniably shift toward employees and unions in particular.

The current 50-50 split in the U.S. Senate may keep the PRO Act from becoming law in its entirety. Republicans would almost certainly filibuster the legislation to prevent it from coming up for a vote. However, Democrats will not stop trying to legislate for as many of the PRO Act’s components as possible. They may be able to achieve some through the filibuster-proof reconciliation process and perhaps some even through old-fashion political dealmaking with Republican Senators.

So, while the PRO Act’s enactment is not an imminent certainty, the prospect should keep the business community on alert. If the filibuster falls by the wayside and/or Democrats gain a larger majority in Congress, these dramatic labor changes could become a stark reality.

 

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Employment Law Remedies

Federal Employment Law Remedies

You’ve probably read news stories where employees win incredible amounts of money by suing their employer.  The good news is lawsuits like those are rare. And most lawsuits end in settlement, where each side ends up compromising. However, if both parties have extremely different views and high confidence of winning, they might go to court. What employees have a chance of getting from lawsuits varies depending on not only the facts of the case, but also what laws they sue under.  Here are the primary employment law remedies under several significant federal statutes.

Types of Employment Law Remedies

If courts find employers liable, they are responsible for paying damages to the employee. There are three main types of remedies: lost pay, compensatory damages, and punitive damages. Courts award employees lost pay and compensatory damages to make them “whole”. “Making whole” refers to placing the employee back in the position as if the employer hadn’t violated the law. This theoretically includes reinstatement to the employee’s former position, but more often lost pay and benefits. Reinstatement is rare. Courts will not reinstate an employee if they find the employee/employer relationship has become too hostile or the position is no longer available. By the time litigation reaches a verdict, much time has usually passed, with significant negative feelings between the parties. This makes reinstatement untenable in most cases.

Backpay and Front Pay

Lost pay can include backpay and front pay.

Backpay generally begins at the start of the adverse treatment and lasts until the judgment date or until the employee finds comparable employment. Backpay is calculated by factoring in salary or wages, interest, overtime, shift differentials, lost benefits, and potentially even raises the employee would have received. The court usually offsets the award by what the employee was able to or should have been able to earn through reasonable effort in alternative employment.

When reinstatement isn’t possible, courts might award “front pay” to compensate for future lost wages. Similar to backpay, front pay also includes compensation for lost benefits.

Compensatory Damages

“Compensatory damages” include additional monetary awards for out-of-pocket expenses (e.g., medical bills), as well as “pain and suffering” or “emotional distress.”

Under most federal employment laws, losing employers must also pay the employee’s attorney fees and litigation costs.

Punitive Damages

Sometimes courts can award punitive damages when they find the employer’s actions were especially malicious or offensive. Punitive damages seek to deter employers beyond the limits of compensatory relief.

Liquidated Damages

Liquidated damages serve a similar purpose. Where applicable, employees might receive a specific amount in addition to their lost pay as a further deterrence to employers. Often this results in employees receiving twice what they actually lost.

Employment Law Remedies under Specific Statutes

Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964

Title VII law prohibits employment discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, and national origin. It limits employees’ compensatory and punitive damages based on the size of their employer’s workforce.

Employer SizeCombined Damage Cap
15-100 employees$50,000
101-200 employees$100,000
201-500 employees$200,000
Over 500 employees$300,000

These caps do not apply to backpay and front pay awards.

Americans with Disabilities Act

The ADA forbids employers from discriminating against employees with disabilities. It also requires employers to provide reasonable accommodations to employees with disabilities in some cases.

These caps on compensatory and punitive damages also apply to the ADA.

Age Discrimination in Employment Act

The ADEA prohibits employment discrimination against employees age 40 or over.

Damages available under the ADEA are similar to those of Title VII and the ADA, except that employees cannot receive any compensatory or punitive damages. Instead, they can recover liquidated damages equal to the amount of backpay.

Equal Pay Act

The EPA prohibits employers from discriminating in compensation based on sex. Similar to the ADEA, the EPA allows recovery of lost pay and an equal amount of liquidated damages.

Fair Labor Standards Act

The FLSA sets the federal minimum wage, currently at $7.25 per hour. It also sets overtime pay requirements after 40 hours in a workweek for nonexempt employees.

Under the FLSA, employees can recover underpaid minimum wage and overtime, plus an additional amount of liquidated damages.

National Labor Relations Act

The NLRA establishes the right for employees of non-government companies to form unions. It also provides employees, whether unionized or not, the right to engage in concerted activity.

The NLRA only permits make-whole remedies. It does not allow punitive damages.

DamagesTitle VIIADAADEAEPAFLSANLRA
Backpay
Compensatory
Reinstatement or Front Pay
Liquidated
Punitive
Attorney fees

What Does This All Mean for Employers?

Most importantly, employers should try to avoid violating employment laws in the first place. Despite variations between laws, all of these federal employment statutes have an array of serious consequences. If you are concerned about whether your company is in compliance, contact an experienced employment attorney.

 

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