Category: NLRB

Workplace Dress Codes

NLRB Increases Scrutiny of Workplace Dress Codes

On August 29, 2022, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) found that Tesla’s dress code violated the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). This decision reversed existing precedent, giving employers less leeway in controlling what their employees wear to work. Now, any workplace dress codes that may be read to restrict wearing union insignia or apparel will be presumed to violate federal labor law. Employers must show special circumstances to justify any such policy.

Section 7 Rights

The NLRB’s analysis of workplace dress codes arises under Section 7 of the NLRA. Section 7 grants employees the rights to “self-organization, to form, join, or assist labor organizations, to bargain collectively through representatives of their own choosing, and to engage in other concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or other mutual aid or protection.” It also protects employees’ right to refrain from such activities.

Section 7 rights include the prerogative to demonstrate support for a labor union, such as by wearing union insignia on buttons or apparel. However, the right is not absolute and has always been subject to various time, place, and manner restrictions. The scope of those restrictions has fluctuated over the years based on varying views of NLRB members.

Tesla’s Policy

Tesla required production associates manufacturing its electric vehicles to wear assigned company uniforms. The company provided each associate with two pairs of black pants, two black short-sleeve shirts, two black long-sleeve shirts, and a black sweater. The shirts and sweaters bear Tesla’s logo. Supervisors and line inspectors wear red and white shirts, respectively, to distinguish them by job function.

Production associates were allowed to substitute other all-black clothing for the company-issued uniform. However, Tesla’s team-wear policy specified that “[a]alternative clothing must be mutilation free, work appropriate and pose no safety risks (no zippers, yoga pants, hoodies with hood up, etc.).”

Wal-Mart Precedent

In a 2019 decision involving Wal-Mart, the NLRB held that a facially neutral employee appearance policy would be deemed lawful. The burden would then fall to the party challenging dress codes to demonstrate how they unduly restrict employees’ rights to show union support.

The Tesla ruling expressly overrules Wal-Mart. Two NLRB Board members who were in the majority in deciding the Wal-Mart case three years ago dissented in Tesla. The Board majority has shifted to 3-2 control by pro-labor members.

New Standard for Workplace Dress Codes

Under Tesla, the NLRB will find any limitation on employee dress and appearance policies that might limit the display of union insignia to violate the NLRA, unless the employer demonstrates sufficient justification for its policy. Thus, the decision flips the presumption.

There are various situations where the NLRB has permitted limited restrictions on what employees wear. For example, employers may impose restrictions when the display of union insignia “may jeopardize employee safety, damage machinery or products, exacerbate employee dissension, [] unreasonably interfere with a public image the employer has established, or when necessary to maintain decorum and discipline among employees.” But when an employer seeks to uphold their workplace dress code based on any of these rationales, the NLRB will “engage[] in a rigorous, fact-specific inquiry to determine whether the employer actually established the presence of special circumstances in the context of its workplace.”

Employers Beware

Under the new Tesla standard, employers are at risk of having any workplace dress code struck as unlawful. The dissenters hypothesize many scenarios where requiring employees to dress relatively uniformly would not survive the NLRB’s scrutiny. At best, employers would need to rely on exceptions that may or may not be deemed to apply to their situation. Moreover, the NLRB applied its changed standard retroactively to Tesla, demonstrating that any company is at risk of being faulted for relying on an existing exception that the current NLRB majority disagrees with.

In the bigger picture, employers should realize this is just the first significant reversal of NLRB policy by the newly pro-labor Board majority. It is prudent to expect similar rulings beyond the issue of what employees can wear to work. The Wal-Mart ruling followed a 2017 standard for reviewing workplace policies established in a case involving Boeing. The NLRB will likely further erode Boeing‘s relative protection of employers’ rights to control what happens in their workplaces.

 

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Union Organizing Update for Employers Cover Slide

Union Organizing Update for Employers (Webinar Recap)

On August 4, 2022, I presented a complimentary webinar entitled “Union Organizing Update for Employers”. For those who couldn’t attend the live webinar, I’m happy to make it available for you to watch at your convenience.

In the webinar, I discuss:

  • Representation Case Statistics
  • Starbucks’ Impact
  • Decertification & Withdrawal of Representation
  • Planning Ahead

and much more!

The National Labor Relations Board recently reported a 58% increase in union election petitions. In this webinar, I break down that statistic to help employers understand what it may mean for their company.

In addition to the deep dive into NLRB data on recent union organizing efforts, we discuss practical implications and what you should consider if a union seeks to organize your employees.

Don’t have time to watch the whole webinar right now? Click here to download the slides from the webinar.

Why You Should Watch “Union Organizing for Employers”

Most companies would prefer not to have to negotiate with a third-party union over their employees’ terms and conditions of employment. Therefore, employers should remain alert as to employee concerns at all times. Beyond knowing your own employees, you should remain aware of general trends in unionization that could affect your workforce. This webinar provides an in-depth analysis of NLRB union election statistics to better inform you on the current status of labor organizing in the U.S.

Despite general pronouncements of increased union election activity, we find two major factors driving the statistics. How do these affect your company? What should you be doing now if you want to remain union free?

Plus, learn what you should be prepared to do if a union does seek an election among your employees. There are critical decisions to be made quickly in these cases and the wrong moves can have negative legal and practical consequences.

Don’t Miss Our Future Webinars!

Click here to sign up for the Horton Law email newsletter to be among the first to know when registration is open for upcoming programs! And follow us on LinkedIn for even more frequent updates on important employment law issues.

Union Elections Increasing

Why Are Union Elections Increasing in 2022?

The National Labor Relations Board reports a 58% increase in union election petitions through the first three quarters of the 2022 federal fiscal year. Upon first glance, this statistic may seem to reflect a major uptick in union organizing. And, on the raw numbers, it does. But there appear to be two notable causes for union elections increasing in 2022: Starbucks and COVID.

Union Election Petitions

The July 15, 2022 NLRB press release generally refers to the overall increase in “union election petitions.” There are actually an array of circumstances included in these filings. They don’t just refer to cases where a union seeks an election to determine whether they may represent employees.

There were 1,892 “union election petitions” filed with the NLRB between October 1, 2021 and June 30, 2022. Some of these were filed by unions, some by employers, and others by employees, with various objectives. 1,573 of the petitions did seek union representation of then-unrepresented employees. The second largest group were 236 petitions filed by employees seeking to oust their incumbent union. Of the remaining 84 petitions, 41 sought clarification of an existing bargaining unit, for example.

Representation Election Petitions

Petitions where a union seeks initial recognition are known as representation petitions or RC petitions. This category did indeed rise significantly in the first three quarters of FY 2022 compared the same period in FY 2021. They increased 70% overall. But there’s more to the story.

First, 313 of the 1,574 RC petitions involved Starbucks stores. That’s 20% of total representation petition filings–a highly unusual occurrence for a single employer. So, yes, these Starbucks cases are a big deal for the NLRB, which has to process all of these elections. But they’re something of a statistical anomaly in evaluating the overall state of union organizing in 2022. Very few companies operate like Starbucks, with so many corporate-owned locations scattered throughout the country. Even most quick-service food establishments use the franchise model, meaning there are numerous distinct “employers” rather than a single unionizing target.

Without the Starbucks cases, there was only a 36% increase in representation petition filings so far in FY 2022. Which brings us to the second consideration:

COVID-19.

Once you take out the rampant Starbucks unionization, FY 2022 only resembles NLRB filings before the pandemic began around March 2020. See graphs below.

 

The average number of RC petitions for the first three quarters of FY 2017, 2018, and 2019 was 1,255. Almost exactly the same number as were filed in the first nine months of FY 2022 (1,260).

Decertification Election Petitions

For a check on the COVID impact on NLRB union election petition filings, let’s look at decertification petitions (RD). In these cases, employees currently represented by a union are seeking to vote the union out.

We don’t have to worry about any direct Starbucks influence here. A union has to be in place at least a year before it can be voted out. None of the Starbucks stores have yet had a union for that long.

Like representation election petitions, RD filings are up in FY 2022. The 42% increase is actually higher than the Starbucks-excluded increase among RC petitions (36%).

If the 58% overall increase in “union election petitions” were due to more demand to be unionized (other than among Starbucks employees), then that wouldn’t explain the increase in decertification efforts. So, what does? Again, the answer appears to be a return to previous pre-COVID levels.

Again, remarkably, the average number of RD petitions for the first three quarters of FY 2017, 2018, and 2019 (242) was virtually equal to the number filed in the first nine months of FY 2022 (236).

Will Union Elections Continue Increasing Beyond Pre-COVID Levels?

This question remains to be answered. Historically, about 75% of union representation elections petitions are filed in the first 3 quarters of the NLRB’s fiscal year. That means a proportionally equivalent number should be filed between July 1 and September 30, 2022. If we see that approximately 420 RC petitions (excluding Starbucks) are filed in that period, then it would continue to show a return to normalcy rather than a real shift toward increased unionization. A higher number would require further examination. For example, any apparent uptick could be a remnant of artificially low petitions during the height of the COVID pandemic. In other words, unions may still only be making up for lost time rather than experiencing fundamentally renewed interest.

Of course, if your business is union-free and wants to stay that way, the most important union election petition is the one that is or isn’t filed with your name on it. National trends are only one macro-indicator of interest in unionization. Employers should remain alert to the needs and sentiments of their own employees. Keeping them satisfied and feeling respected is the most likely path to staying out of these NLRB statistics.

 

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All data were obtained from the National Labor Relations Board website.