Category: Labor Law

Severance Agreements

NLRB Deems Many Severance Agreements Unlawful

A February 21, 2023, decision by the National Labor Relations Board found it unlawful for employers to include some routine provisions in severance agreements. NLRB General Counsel Jennifer Abruzzo issued a memorandum dated March 22, 2023, elaborating on her broad interpretation of the ruling. Consequently, employers may now face federal labor law claims if they even offer a severance agreement to an employee that includes previously common restrictions.

McClaren Macomb Decision

In McClaren Macomb, 372 NLRB No. 58, the NLRB found that a hospital committed an unfair labor practice in violation of the National Labor Relations Act merely by offering a severance agreement to 11 permanently furloughed employees. The NLRB deemed the proposed agreements unlawful because they contained these non-disclosure and non-disparagement provisions:

  • Confidentiality Agreement. The Employee acknowledges that the terms of this Agreement are confidential and agrees not to disclose them to any third person, other than spouse, or as necessary to professional advisors for the purposes of obtaining legal counsel or tax advice, or unless legally compelled to do so by a court or administrative agency of competent jurisdiction.”
  • Non-Disclosure. At all times hereafter, the Employee promises and agrees not to disclose information, knowledge or materials of a confidential, privileged, or proprietary nature of which the Employee has or had knowledge of, or involvement with, by reason of the Employee’s employment. At all times, hereafter, the Employee agrees not to make statements to Employer’s employees or to the general public which could disparage or harm the image of Employer, its parent and affiliated entities and their officers, directors, employees, agents and representatives.

The severance agreement also identified penalties if the employee violated those provisions, including paying the employer’s attorneys fees.

The Board held that these provisions unlawfully interfere with employees’ exercise of rights protected by Section 7 of the NLRA. Section 7 rights include protection for employees engaging in concerted activity for their mutual aid and protection. The NLRB emphasized that just offering the agreement was unlawful even though the employees didn’t sign it and thus didn’t become bound by its terms.

General Counsel Memorandum 23-05

General Counsel Abruzzo has already established through earlier actions and memorandums that she has extremely pro-labor views of the NLRA. She demonstrated these sentiments again through this memorandum elaborating on the Board’s McClaren Macomb decision. Though not formally binding, the GC’s memo establishes her prosecutorial viewpoint and puts employers on notice that she will challenge a broad array of severance agreement provisions.

Here are summarized versions GC Abruzzo’s answers to the following questions:

Are severance agreements now banned?

No, as long as they’re limited to a release of the signing employee’s employment claims arising before the date of the agreement. But once seemingly any of the various other common components of severance agreements are added, her view shifts.

Do the circumstances surrounding the severance offer matter?

Probably not, as “an employer can have no legitimate interest in maintaining a facially unlawful provision in a severance agreement.”

What if the employee doesn’t sign the agreement?

As the Board held, it doesn’t matter. “[T]he proffer itself inherently coerces employees by conditioning severance benefits on the waiver of statutory rights such as the right to engage in future protected concerted activities and the right to file or assist in the investigation and prosecution of charges with the Board.”

What about severance agreements offered to supervisors?

Even these may be unlawful. Typically, the NLRA doesn’t protect “supervisors,” as defined by the law. However, the GC still has a (highly dubious) theory of how offering a severance agreement with prohibited language to a supervisor nonetheless constitutes an unfair labor practice.

How does this affect severance agreements before the February 2023 McClaren Macomb decision?

They could also be challenged. The GC even suggests she could prosecute back beyond the standard 6-month NLRA statute of limitations where the severance agreement provisions have ongoing effect. She notes that the NLRB has “settled cases involving severance agreements which had unlawfully broad terms that chilled the exercise of Section 7 rights by requiring the employer to notify its former employees that the overbroad provisions in their severance agreements no longer applied.” But she does not guarantee that would be the extent of the potential penalties.

Would the entire severance agreement be null and void due to just one overbroad provision?

It depends. The GC suggests the NLRB “generally make[s] decisions based solely on the unlawful provisions and would seek to have those voided out as opposed to the entire agreement, regardless of whether there is a severability clause or not”. She further offers that “while it may not cure a technical violation of an unlawful proffer, employers should consider remedying such violations now by contacting employees subject to severance agreements with overly broad provisions and advising them that the provisions are null and void and that they will not seek to enforce the agreements or pursue any penalties, monetary or otherwise, for breaches of those unlawful provisions.”

Why does the NLRA protect former employees in this situation?

Good question. Because the Board said so. But the GC adds, “In addition, former employees can play an important role in providing evidence to the NLRB and otherwise sharing information about the working conditions they experienced, in a way that constitutes both mutual aid and protection.”

Can the NLRB come between private contracting parties?

Yes, though the General Counsel doesn’t really answer that. Instead, she shifts the focus to the Board’s role “to address the inequality of bargaining power between employees, who do not possess full freedom of association or actual liberty of contract, and their employers . . . .”

What if employees request broad confidentiality or non-disparagement clauses?

They can ask, but the employer can’t provide it. Per the GC, “In that unlikely scenario, I would reiterate that the Board protects public rights that cannot be waived in a manner that prevents future exercise of those rights regardless of who initially raised the issue.” She also notes that unions could not waive these rights on behalf of employees.

What about other forms of employer-employee communications?

Pre-employment agreements or offer letters could be unlawful on the same theories as severance agreements.

Could any confidentiality provision in a severance agreement be lawful?

Yes, but not really. “Confidentiality clauses that are narrowly-tailored to restrict the dissemination of proprietary or trade secret information for a period of time based on legitimate business justifications may be considered lawful.” Such restrictions were likely already in place before the severance agreement, which may only be restating them for clarification/reiteration. The typical purpose of a confidentiality agreement in a severance agreement, especially if used to settle a pending claim, is to prevent public dissemination of information related to the employee’s potential claims against the employer. Any such restrictions would now likely violate McClaren Macomb.

Could any non-disparagement provision in a severance agreement be lawful?

Yes, but not really. “[A] narrowly-tailored, justified, non-disparagement provision that is limited to employee statements about the employer that meet the definition of defamation as being maliciously untrue, such that they are made with knowledge of their falsity or with reckless disregard for their truth or falsity, may be found lawful.” That is a non-defamation provision, not a non-disparagement provision. And state laws already protect against defamation, so there’s probably not much to be gained by putting such a clause in a severance agreement–especially at risk that the GC will somehow still find it’s overbroad.

Would a savings clause or disclaimer save overbroad provisions in a severance agreement?

Probably not. The General Counsel might be somewhat persuaded by a very extensive recitation of all possible rights protected by the NLRA and clear language that no such rights are being limited. However, there’s no guarantee that will help, and it’s unlikely many employers would be interested in taking that approach.

Does the GC view any other common severance agreement provisions as problematic?

Yes, of course. In particular, she points to non-compete clauses; no solicitation clauses; no-poaching clauses; broad liability releases and covenants not to sue; and cooperation requirements. There’s hope some of these might be acceptable in some situations, but employers proceed at their own risk.

Employer Response

What does all of this mean? Private companies in the U.S. have reason to fear that the NLRB will object to the severance agreements they’ve regularly used in the past. The same legal issues likely apply to settlement agreements used to resolve pending lawsuits and administrative proceedings.

If you use severance agreements with your separating employees, you should review them and reconsider your approach given these new pronouncements. However, that doesn’t necessarily mean every employer should adopt new agreements that don’t include confidentiality, non-disparagement, and other potentially challengeable provisions. NLRB rulings are not final, and there may be court challenges to the theories applied in McClaren Macomb and by the General Counsel. But it is critical to carefully weigh the risks and rewards of various approaches with the assistance of experienced labor counsel.

 

For more employment law updates, sign up for the Horton Law email newsletter and follow us on LinkedIn.

January 2023 NLRB Union Election

January 2023 NLRB Union Election Filings

In January 2023, NLRB union election filings continued their recent climb. But you must look beyond the raw numbers to see this reality. As has been the case for the past year, union organizing at Starbucks stores still complicates the analysis.

January 2023 Union Election Petitions

Overall, the National Labor Relations Board received 150 “RC” petitions seeking union representation in January 2023. While that is much lower than the 169 filed last January, the decrease is all attributable to the maturation of the Starbucks unionization campaign.

In January 2022, there were 35 petitions seeking elections involving Starbucks stores. This year that number has declined to only 7–an unsurprising result, given the volume of stores that already had elections last year.

Setting aside the Starbucks petitions, the 143 other union elections sought this January represent a 6% increase over the 134 non-Starbucks election petitions in January 2022.

With or without the Starbucks cases, the January 2023 RC filings nearly match the 149 petitions from January 2020 and significantly exceed the 114 January filings in both 2018 and 2019, as shown in the graph below.

Non-Starbucks NLRB Petitions Filed in January 2018-2023

FY 2023 to Date

The NLRB’s current fiscal year began on October 1, 2022. In the first four months of FY ’23, there were 582 union election petitions filed that didn’t involve Starbucks–a 13.5% increase from the same “post-COVID” period in FY ’22 and a nearly 5% increase from the same pre-COVID period in FY ’20.

Non-Starbucks NLRB Petitions Filed Oct-Jan FY 2018-2023

California and Texas Lead the Way

Most U.S. states see very few NLRB union election petitions filed in a single month. California and New York–large, relatively labor-friendly states–typically account for among the most RC petitions, as they did in January 2023. But it’s more notable that Texas continues to experience an upward trend in union elections.

California

With 15 non-Starbucks RC filings, California saw a 36% year-over-year increase from 11 petitions in January 2022. But 15 is well below the 23 January California RC petitions in 2020 and only back to the January average between 2018-2019.

Texas

Despite being the second-largest U.S. state by both land and population, Texas usually only sees a few RC petitions each month. Lately, that seems to be changing. Even excluding Starbucks, eight union election petitions were filed in Texas in January 2023. By comparison, only one RC petition was filed in the state in both January 2021 and January 2022, and 5 each in the month in 2019 and 2020.

With small sample sizes, it’s hard to reach dramatic conclusions about a potential trend toward increased union organizing in Texas. However, we can go back a little further for similar results. Between October and December 2022 (the first quarter of the NLRB’s 2023 fiscal year), 17 union election petitions (not involving Starbucks) were filed in Texas. Thus, there have been 25 such filings in the current NLRB fiscal year. During the same period in the previous fiscal years, there were only eight (FY ’22), nine (FY ’21), and 14 (FY ’20) union representation cases in Texas.

Georgia

Another southern state with an upward trend, Georgia had three non-Starbucks RC filings in January 2023. It had four total union election petitions filed in the previous five Januarys combined. There have now been 10 cases in Georgia this fiscal year, nearly as many as the 11 total union elections sought in Georgia between October and January over the previous three years.

Other Notable Gainers

Starbucks-adjusted January RC filings are also meaningfully up in:

  • D.C.: 6 in 2023 vs. 3 in 2022 and 6 total from 2018-2021
  • Illinois: 14 in 2023 vs. 11 in 2022 and no more than 9 between 2018-2021
  • Massachusetts: 6 in 2023 vs. 3 or 4 in each of the previous five years
  • Nevada: 7 in 2023 vs. 4 in 2022 and no more than 5 since 2018
  • North Carolina: 3 in 2023 vs. 3 total from 2018-2022
  • Washington: 9 in 2023 vs. 5 in 2022 and no more than 6 since 2018

Notably Down: New York & New Jersey

New York dropped from 16 to 12 January union election petitions compared to last year, matching the state’s five-year January low set in COVID-afflicted 2021.

New Jersey is another heavily unionized state that experienced a decrease in union election petitions in January 2023. Only five RC petitions were filed in the Garden State that month versus nine in both January 2022 and January 2020. (Like New York, New Jersey also experienced a large dropoff in such filings in January 2021 (only 1 case), presumably related to COVID-19 effects.)

FY 2023 Union Representation Election Results

Unions typically win about 70% of the representation elections held. Many petitions filed in Q1 FY 2023, including all of those filed in January, have not yet resulted in elections. Among those that have, unions have won about 76% of the time. Unions only won 71% of the elections held in cases filed in Q1 FY 2022. However, it may be too early to conclude that unions are winning elections more often since the data are incomplete.

 

To receive future updates and analysis on NLRB election statistics, sign up for our email newsletter.

Union Election Filings

Real Growth in Union Election Filings Entering 2023

The National Labor Relations Board began announcing an increase in union organizing activity in early 2022. More detailed analysis showed that those gains were primarily driven by elections at numerous Starbucks stores. Otherwise, the 2022 election statistics only suggested a return to pre-COVID levels. Now, however, statistics from the final three months of calendar year 2022, appear to reflect a general increase in union election filings entering 2023.

Starbucks Effect

Election petitions involving Starbucks stores accounted for an overwhelming proportion of the NLRB’s reported increase in union election filings in its fiscal year 2022 (from October 2021 through September 2022). For more, read Why Are Union Elections Increasing in 2022?

In NLRB FY 2022, there were 349 election petitions filed seeking union representation at Starbucks stores. To date, the union has won recognition in 223 cases and lost 48 times. Twenty-nine of the petitions have been withdrawn or dismissed for various reasons. Forty-nine of the cases remain open.

Excluding Starbucks cases, 1,345 union representation petitions were filed with the NLRB between January 1, 2022, and September 30, 2022. Though the numbers were much lower in 2020 and 2021 during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, the same period in pre-COVID 2019 saw 1,329 union representation petitions filed. In other words, Starbucks-adjusted, there was only a 1% increase in 2022.

New Year Uptick

Entering 2023, continued increases in union representation elections seem to exceed any direct Starbucks or COVID impact.

Over the second half of NLRB FY 2022 (April-September), non-Starbucks union election petitions (922) were actually below the total for the same period in 2019 (943). The fourth quarter of FY 2022 (July-September) saw only a minimal increase from 453 to 464 compared to 2019.

Then, from October 1 through December 31, 2022, there were 437 union election petitions filed that didn’t involve Starbucks. That represents a 16% increase from the same “post-COVID” period in 2021 and a nearly 8% increase from the same pre-COVID period in 2019.

Oct. - Dec. Non-Starbucks Union Representation Petitions Filed

Note that Starbucks employees are still seeking representation at new stores. Thirty-six union representation petitions were filed between October and December 2022. Only 11 were filed during those months the previous year, when the Starbucks organizing campaign had just begun. But the Starbucks monthly filing rate has decreased to about a third of what it was in NLRB FY 2022.

Where Are Union Elections Becoming More Likely?

A few states substantially account for the recent increase in Starbucks-adjusted union representation petition filings. Due to differences in population and other factors, such as historical union activity, the typical number of petitions varies considerably between states. Thus, a proportional increase in filings in a given state will have a greater or lesser impact on the total number of election petitions filed nationwide.

First, let’s look at the total number of union representation petitions filed between October and December over the past few years in several notable states. These are listed in the chart below.

Union Election Petitions
Filed Oct.-Dec.
2019202020212022
California52514774
DC9101315
Georgia5037
Massachusetts188424
New York67404254
Tennessee1125
Texas98717

Not surprisingly, California had the most petitions between October and December 2022. Conversely, Southern states Georgia and Tennessee had only about a handful. And Texas had relatively few compared to its overall population. However, these states had proportionally more union representation petitions filed in Oct.-Dec. 2022 than over the same months in the recent past.

Here are the ranked percentage increases in union election filings for these states for Q1 of the NLRB fiscal years 2022 and 2023:

  • Massachusetts: 500%
  • Tennessee: 150%
  • Texas: 143%
  • Georgia: 133%
  • California: 57%
  • New York: 29%
  • DC: 15%

And here are the percentage increases between the first quarters of the NLRB fiscal years 2023 and 2020 (the last fully pre-COVID quarter):

  • Tennessee: 400%
  • Texas: 89%
  • DC: 67%
  • California: 42%
  • Georgia: 40%
  • Massachusetts: 33%
  • New York: -19%

Large Labor-Friendly States: A Closer Look

New York

Yes, to be clear, total union representation petitions filed in New York remain below pre-COVID levels. But they are up over last year. Frankly, New York probably wouldn’t be worth mentioning here, except that it normally accounts for a significant portion of the union elections filed with the NLRB. So a modest increase from Q1 FY 2022 to Q1 FY 2023 has a material impact on the total nationwide increase. As previously discussed, it is plausible that union organizing in New York is still recovering from COVID-19 at a slower rate than the rest of the country.

In fact, we can dig deeper and learn that non-Starbucks petitions are essentially flat throughout most of New York State. All of the year-over-year increase comes from Region 29 of the NLRB. Region 29 is based in Brooklyn and covers Brooklyn, Queens, Staten Island, and Long Island. NLRB Q1 union representation petitions not involving Starbucks increased from 7 in FY 2022 to 19 in FY 2023. But that number still falls well below the 33 such filings in Oct. through Dec. 2019 (Q1 FY 2020). Meanwhile, Manhattan and Upstate New York filings have remained surprisingly consistent, with hardly any deviation among the first quarters of fiscal years 2020, 2022, and 2023.

California

Similarly, California’s increase is localized to two of the four NLRB regions covering the state: Region 20, based in San Francisco, serving the northernmost part of the state, and Region 21, based in Los Angeles and San Diego, serving the southernmost part.

California union representation petitions increased from 10 in Q1 FY 2022 to 21 in Q1 FY 2023 in Region 20 and from 12 to 21 in Region 21. The Q1 FY 2020 filings were 9 for Region 20 and 14 for Region 21, showing more than just a return to pre-COVID levels. While the central California Regions (31 and 32) increased slightly between Q1 FY 2022 and 2023, both Regions are still roughly even with Q1 FY 2020 petitions.

Decertification Petitions

The corollary to an NLRB petition seeking union representation (known as an “RC” petition) is a decertification (“RD”) petition seeking the removal of a previously recognized union representative. An earlier analysis of RD petitions for the first half of FY 2022 supported the conclusion that last year’s increase in RC filings (not involving Starbucks) may have been a COVID-related phenomenon. A 42% year-over-year increase in RD petitions over that period was actually higher than the Starbucks-excluded increase among RC petitions (36%).

Decertification petition filings remained at or above pre-COVID levels throughout FY 2022. However, it appears that trend may be dissipating. Seventy RD petitions were filed with the NLRB between October and December 2022–virtually the same as the 71 filed in the same period in 2021. While still higher than the 56 filed in October-December 2019, the RD petitions filed in Q1 FY 2023 remain below the levels for the same period of 2017 (82) and 2018 (76).

Representation Election Results

Unions typically win about 70% of the representation elections held. Many petitions filed in Q1 FY 2023 have not yet resulted in elections. Among those that have, unions have won about 75% of the time. But with so many cases yet to be decided, we don’t know whether unions are really becoming more likely to win representation status.

What Does the Recent Increase in Union Elections Means for Employers in 2023?

It’s really still too early to tell. But the latest statistics start to suggest a measurable shift toward greater unionization at private sector companies in the United States. Certain Southern states might be experiencing a particular renewed interest in union activity. Georgia, Tennessee, and Texas might constitute a current “watch list.” Areas with an existing higher propensity toward unionization, like parts of California, New York, and Massachusetts, may also be undergoing renewed employee interest in organizing.

Employers should continue to monitor these data, especially if they have any reason to suspect union organizing in their workplace.

 

To receive future updates and analysis on NLRB election statistics, sign up for our email newsletter.