Category: Labor Law

Captive Audience Meetings

New York Bans “Captive Audience” Meetings

On September 6, 2023, New York Governor Kathy Hochul signed amendments to state law that enhance employee protections. The amendments to Section 201-d of the New York Labor Law prohibit employers from disciplining employees for refusing to listen to the employer’s opinion concerning religious or political matters. Most notably, this new restriction prevents employers from holding so-called “captive audience” meetings in response to union organizing campaigns.

New York Labor Law Section 201-d

For decades, New York has had among the broadest protections for employees based on their off-duty conduct. Section 201-d of the state’s Labor Law has long prohibited employers from discriminating against applicants and employees for any of the following:

  1. Legal political activities outside of working hours, off of the employer’s premises and without use of the employer’s equipment or other property.
  2. Legal use of consumable products before the beginning or after the conclusion of the employee’s work hours, and off of the employer’s premises and without use of the employer’s equipment or other property.
  3. Legal recreational activities outside work hours off of the employer’s premises and without use of the employer’s equipment or other property.
  4. Membership in a union or any exercise of rights under the federal Labor Management Relations Act or New York’s Taylor Law.

The law was amended in 2021 to grant employees the right to use marijuana outside of work.

Read here for more on the traditional 201-d protections. 

“Captive Audience” Meetings

For the past 75 years, the National Labor Relations Board has interpreted the National Labor Relations Act to permit employers to hold mandatory meetings during employees’ work time to convey the company’s views on unions and labor organizing. Such meetings have been most commonly used in response to an imminent threat of unionization, such as when a union has filed an election petition with the NLRB.

Because the employees are at work and being paid, the NLRB has reasoned that their employers have the right to determine what the employees will be doing, even if that means attending a meeting. Of course, there have always been limits on what the employer can say, especially while an election is pending. For example, employers could not threaten reprisal based on an employee’s support of the union or offer incentives to employees who vote no to representation. Still, labor unions have long derided this practice as unduly coercive. They argue that because the employees are a “captive audience,” they have no choice but to listen to what management says and may believe they must go along with the company’s view.

Despite the longstanding NLRB precedent, the agency’s current General Counsel has indicated an interest in reconsidering an employer’s prerogative to hold such meetings. Given their decidedly pro-labor sentiments, it is entirely plausible that the current NLRB majority will eventually reverse the Board’s landmark 1948 ruling in Babcock v. Wilcox.

Section 201-d Amendments

Following past attempts by Oregon and Wisconsin, the New York Legislature has clearly set out to block captive audience meetings as a matter of state law. In other words, they’re trying to do what the NLRB might, but hasn’t yet accomplished. (Connecticut, Maine, and Minnesota have now also enacted similar legislation.)

In case there was any uncertainty about their intentions, the sponsors of the amendments included the following in their memorandum introducing the bill:

“Over the past 40 years, as labor union membership has declined and worker protections have been stripped, employers have been emboldened to share their political and personal beliefs with employees. . . . Not only are employers fabricating support for partisan politicians of their liking, they are also pushing their opinions on legislative issues, unionism, and religious topics on their workers.

It is interesting that the Legislature has squeezed the ban on captive audience meetings into a law designed to protect off-duty conduct. The connection is perhaps logical, but seemingly tenuous. In theory, the amendments purport to safeguard employees’ political and religious speech and beliefs, which one assumes would typically be exercised outside of work. However, the direct prohibition here is not related to what employees choose to do, but on how employers can communicate with their employees–even during work time.

Political Matters

Section 201-d already used the term “political activities” to mean “(i) running for public office, (ii) campaigning for a candidate for public office, or (iii) participating in fund-raising activities for the benefit of a candidate, political party or political advocacy group.” Generally, employers could not punish employees for engaging in those activities on their own time.

Now the law also separately defines “political matters.” This new term means “matters relating to elections for political office, political parties, legislation, regulation and the decision to join or support any political party or political, civic, community, fraternal or labor organization.”

At first glance, that addition would seem to expand the scope of political activity that employees are entitled to engage in. Ironically, however, employees aren’t getting any new rights to join political parties or civic organizations, as discussed below. If they have such rights, they’re afforded by the pre-existing aspects of Section 201-d.

Religious Matters

The amendments also add the term “religious matters” to Section 201-d. It is defined  to mean “matters relating to religious affiliation and practice and the decision to join or support any religious organization or association.”

Both federal and state employment discrimination laws already provide extensive protections for employees based on their religious beliefs. Section 201-d, as amended, doesn’t directly affect those rights. Instead, it (arguably) adds restrictions on what employers can say to employees about religion.

Newly Protected “Category”

The new references to “political matters” and “religious matters” are only used in discussing the types of meetings and communications that employers can no longer require employees to be party to.

In addition to the previous protections for off-duty conduct, Section 201-d now prohibits employers from “discharg[ing] from employment or otherwise discriminat[ing] against an individual in compensation, promotion, or terms, conditions or privileges of employment because of an individual’s refusal to:

  • attend an employer-sponsored meeting with the employer or its agent, representative or designee, the primary purpose of which is to communicate the employer’s opinion concerning religious or political matters; or
  • listen to speech or view communications, the primary purpose of which is to communicate the employer’s opinion concerning religious or political matters.

Exceptions

As with the original Section 201-d employer prohibitions, the amendments include some specific exceptions. Consequently, the law still does NOT prohibit:

  • an employer or its agent, representative or designee from communicating to its employees any information that the employer is required by law to communicate, but only to the extent of such legal requirement;
  • an employer or its agent, representative or designee from communicating to its employees any information that is necessary for such employees to perform their job duties;
  • an institution of higher education, or any agent, representative or designee of such institution, from meeting with or participating in any communications with its employees that are part of coursework, any symposia or an academic program at such institution;
  • casual conversations between employees or between an employee and an agent, representative or designee of an employer, provided participation in such conversations is not required; or
  • a requirement limited to the employer’s managerial and supervisory employees.

Religious Institutions

There is also a new exception for religious institutions in certain circumstances. The exception references and invokes Title VII’s exemption “with respect to speech on religious matters to employees who perform work connected with the activities undertaken by” a covered religious entity.

Posting Requirement

For the first time, the Legislature has added a notice posting requirement related to Section 201-d. Employers must now “post a sign in every workplace at the location or locations where notices to employees are normally posted, to inform employees of their rights” under this provision of the Labor Law. The notice obligation is not limited to the new captive audience meeting ban. It also includes the statute’s off-duty conduct protections.

Without further guidance from the State on what the posting must include, employers may consider posting the entire text of Labor Law Section 201-d to ensure compliance. You can download a copy here.

Implications for Employers

The amendments took effect immediately. Accordingly, employers should at least consider posting Section 201-d promptly. Notably, under another recent change to State law, the posting must also be made available to all employees electronically.

If your company was otherwise considering holding any meetings to discuss what may now be deemed “political” or “religious” matters, make sure you understand these amendments before proceeding. Legal challenges are expected, as the National Labor Relations Act may be deemed to preempt the New York law, at least with respect to the captive audience meetings related to unionization. However, employers who take the risk of relying on that argument may find themselves in protracted litigation and on the other side of a currently pro-labor National Labor Relations Board.

Note that the law does not say employers cannot discuss political or religious matters. However, employees must be free to choose whether or not to attend or listen to meetings, conversations, or other means of communication in which such subjects are discussed. Unfortunately, employers who initiate such conversations and subsequently have reason to discipline an employee who happened not to participate could face a claim of discrimination/retaliation based on their declining to do so.

 

For more employment law updates, sign up for the Horton Management Law email newsletter and follow us on LinkedIn.

Union Election Requests

NLRB Continues to Process More Union Election Requests

In an April 7, 2023, press release, the National Labor Relations Board announced a slight increase in union election petitions for the first six months of its 2023 fiscal year. Digging deeper, however, the latest data may suggest more of an uptick in unionization than even the NLRB acknowledges. After stripping away the unprecedented number of Starbucks elections sought last year, the number of union election requests from October 2022 through March 2023 reveals a potentially much broader trend.

NLRB Press Releases

The NLRB’s recent press release focused more on unfair labor practice charge filings, which were up 16% during the first half of the current fiscal year. Unlike last year’s corresponding release, the reference to union election petitions was much more subdued. October – March FY ’23 saw 1,200 total representation cases filed, compared to 1,174 during the same period last year. That’s only a 2% increase.

In the first half of FY ’22, the NLRB reported a shocking 57% increase in representation case filings. As we discussed at the time, that statistic was skewed by two key factors: Starbucks and COVID-19. The NLRB’s numbers also aggregate all representation cases, not just those seeking to form a union in the first instance. Most notably, “representation cases” also include filings seeking to remove a union from a workplace. Such “decertification” filings were up 35% in the first half of FY ’22 compared to the corresponding months in FY ’21. (These “RD” cases are back down 13% in FY ’23.)

In some senses, it’s fair to say the NLRB oversold the increase in representation cases a year ago. Yes, it was dealing with more cases than in the previous year. But, Starbucks aside, that didn’t reflect an overall greater propensity to organize. Nonetheless, we may now be experiencing that reality.

Union Election Requests – RC Petitions

Overall, the National Labor Relations Board received 1,012 “RC” petitions seeking union representation between October 2022 and March 2023. That’s a 3.5% increase over the 977 petitions from the same period last year.

But, when you simply remove the Starbucks cases, the magnitude of the increase rises to 18%. The 941 non-Starbucks cases so far in FY ’23 exceed the total (840) for the first six months of FY ’20, which ended just as COVID-19 started to shut down the U.S. By contrast, the 798 non-Starbucks cases for the same period last year (FY ’22) did not. In other words, non-Starbucks RC cases in Oct.-Mar. FY ’22 were down 5% compared to the last corresponding pre-COVID period, but the Oct.-Mar. FY ’23 filings were up 12%.

1st Half FY RC Filings Non Starbucks 2018-2023

 

Starbucks RC Petitions

With 354 union election petitions involving Starbucks in FY ’22, it’s no surprise RC filings for the coffee retailer are down in the first half of FY ’23. There are fewer stores left to unionize. And the rare few that voted against the union are not yet susceptible to a new petition due to the NLRB’s “election bar” rule. Nonetheless, there still were 71 union election requests filed involving Starbucks between October 2022 and March 2023.

The following graph shows the total number of RC petitions filed in the first half of the corresponding NLRB fiscal years since FY 2018.

1st Half FY RC Filings All Employers 2018-2023

State-Specific Data

Looking at the data more locally, on a state-by-state basis, we see a few trends that may be instructive despite the relatively smaller sample sizes. As usual, California and New York have experienced the most union election requests in the first half of FY ’23. New Jersey and Pennsylvania have experienced a notable decline, while filings are up in Alabama, D.C., Massachusetts, North Carolina, Oregon, and Texas.

For this analysis, we’re excluding RC filings at Starbucks stores. As part of a nationwide employer-specific movement, we assume they’re less instructive of the general union activity in a particular geographic region. All statistics below are for the first half of the fiscal year (October through March) mentioned.

Alabama

Alabama sees very little union activity compared to most states. But the 8 union representation petitions filed so far in FY ’23 are double what the state usually sees in the first half of a fiscal year. There were 4 such filings in both 2020 and 2022, though there were also 8 in 2019.

California

RC filings in California have increased 43% from FY ’22 to FY ’23 and 54% compared to FY ’20.

D.C.

Though not a state, D.C. does have its own NLRB case data, and the numbers are up. Note the following first six months RC petition filing numbers for the respective fiscal years:

  • 2023: 32
  • 2022: 20
  • 2021: 15
  • 2020: 17
  • 2019: 11
  • 2018: 19

That’s a 60% increase from last year, which had been the high point in recent history.

Georgia

Though still modest overall, the level of union election petitions in Georgia has reached a new recent high as well:

  • 2023: 14
  • 2022: 8
  • 2021: 2
  • 2020: 7
  • 2019: 6
  • 2018: 8

Illinois

Illinois is among the more unionized states, but the FY ’23 numbers are higher than usual. The 71 RC petitions this year represents a 27% increase over 56 such cases in FY ’22 and a 13% increase over FY ’20.

Massachusetts

Another relatively union-prevalent state, Massachusetts has likewise experienced a recent increase in unionization activity. Its 44 union election requests in FY ’23 are a 175% increase compared to last year and up nearly 70% from its pre-COVID average.

New Jersey

Along with Pennsylvania, New Jersey is one of the few states that have seen fewer RC petitions in FY ’23. As shown below, these filings are down 15% versus last year and 58% compared to FY ’20. As with New York, we see a significant, and potentially lingering, COVID impact:

  • 2023: 22
  • 2022: 26
  • 2021: 19
  • 2020: 52
  • 2019: 47
  • 2018: 48

New York

New York’s FY ’23 filings are up 12% over last year, but still trail their pre-COVID FY ’20 level:

  • 2023: 106
  • 2022: 95
  • 2021: 84
  • 2020: 133
  • 2019: 86
  • 2018: 100

North Carolina

North Carolina slots in with Alabama and Georgia as southern states with traditionally low levels of union organizing activity. But it too has seen more RC cases filed in FY ’23:

  • 2023: 12
  • 2022: 4
  • 2021: 5
  • 2020: 9
  • 2019: 4
  • 2018: 4

Oregon

It may not be surprising that Oregon seems to be an increasingly pro-labor environment:

  • 2023: 38
  • 2022: 30
  • 2021: 16
  • 2020: 23
  • 2019: 18
  • 2018: 18

Pennsylvania

Pennsylvania shares a border and other potentially relevant conditions with New Jersey. Union election petitions are down similarly in both states. Here’s the Pennsylvania data:

  • 2023: 40
  • 2022: 57
  • 2021: 49
  • 2020: 59
  • 2019: 51
  • 2018: 29

Texas

Given its geographic size and growing (and already large) population, it may be particularly interesting to see that more than twice as many union election petitions (34) have been filed in the first half of FY ’23 compared to the previous year (16). That’s also a nearly 50% increase over pre-COVID levels:

  • 2023: 34
  • 2022: 16
  • 2021: 15
  • 2020: 23
  • 2019: 21
  • 2018: 25

Union Representation Election Results

Historically, unions win about 70% of the representation elections held. So far, they’ve won 78% of the 427 elections decided on petitions filed in FY ’23. Of course, that means nearly 700 of those cases have not yet resulted in an election being decided. Nearly 200 (~20%) have been withdrawn or dismissed. Almost 400 more cases are still pending.

With most representation cases filed in the first half of FY ’22 resolved, unions have won 75% of the elections completed, as they have in the aggregate for all elections in cases filed since the beginning of FY ’22 to date. The union has won a much higher percentage (83%) in Starbucks elections. But the non-Starbucks rate of 73% is still relatively high. And the Starbucks-adjusted union win rate for FY ’23 remains 78%.

It’s possible that the remaining open cases will shift the union win percentage down, But it’s also possible that unions are becoming increasingly successful in representation elections. Coupled with the growing number of election petitions filed, an increased union win rate warrants employers’ attention.

 

For more employment law updates, sign up for the Horton Law email newsletter and follow us on LinkedIn.

Severance Agreements

NLRB Deems Many Severance Agreements Unlawful

A February 21, 2023, decision by the National Labor Relations Board found it unlawful for employers to include some routine provisions in severance agreements. NLRB General Counsel Jennifer Abruzzo issued a memorandum dated March 22, 2023, elaborating on her broad interpretation of the ruling. Consequently, employers may now face federal labor law claims if they even offer a severance agreement to an employee that includes previously common restrictions.

McClaren Macomb Decision

In McClaren Macomb, 372 NLRB No. 58, the NLRB found that a hospital committed an unfair labor practice in violation of the National Labor Relations Act merely by offering a severance agreement to 11 permanently furloughed employees. The NLRB deemed the proposed agreements unlawful because they contained these non-disclosure and non-disparagement provisions:

  • Confidentiality Agreement. The Employee acknowledges that the terms of this Agreement are confidential and agrees not to disclose them to any third person, other than spouse, or as necessary to professional advisors for the purposes of obtaining legal counsel or tax advice, or unless legally compelled to do so by a court or administrative agency of competent jurisdiction.”
  • Non-Disclosure. At all times hereafter, the Employee promises and agrees not to disclose information, knowledge or materials of a confidential, privileged, or proprietary nature of which the Employee has or had knowledge of, or involvement with, by reason of the Employee’s employment. At all times, hereafter, the Employee agrees not to make statements to Employer’s employees or to the general public which could disparage or harm the image of Employer, its parent and affiliated entities and their officers, directors, employees, agents and representatives.

The severance agreement also identified penalties if the employee violated those provisions, including paying the employer’s attorneys fees.

The Board held that these provisions unlawfully interfere with employees’ exercise of rights protected by Section 7 of the NLRA. Section 7 rights include protection for employees engaging in concerted activity for their mutual aid and protection. The NLRB emphasized that just offering the agreement was unlawful even though the employees didn’t sign it and thus didn’t become bound by its terms.

General Counsel Memorandum 23-05

General Counsel Abruzzo has already established through earlier actions and memorandums that she has extremely pro-labor views of the NLRA. She demonstrated these sentiments again through this memorandum elaborating on the Board’s McClaren Macomb decision. Though not formally binding, the GC’s memo establishes her prosecutorial viewpoint and puts employers on notice that she will challenge a broad array of severance agreement provisions.

Here are summarized versions GC Abruzzo’s answers to the following questions:

Are severance agreements now banned?

No, as long as they’re limited to a release of the signing employee’s employment claims arising before the date of the agreement. But once seemingly any of the various other common components of severance agreements are added, her view shifts.

Do the circumstances surrounding the severance offer matter?

Probably not, as “an employer can have no legitimate interest in maintaining a facially unlawful provision in a severance agreement.”

What if the employee doesn’t sign the agreement?

As the Board held, it doesn’t matter. “[T]he proffer itself inherently coerces employees by conditioning severance benefits on the waiver of statutory rights such as the right to engage in future protected concerted activities and the right to file or assist in the investigation and prosecution of charges with the Board.”

What about severance agreements offered to supervisors?

Even these may be unlawful. Typically, the NLRA doesn’t protect “supervisors,” as defined by the law. However, the GC still has a (highly dubious) theory of how offering a severance agreement with prohibited language to a supervisor nonetheless constitutes an unfair labor practice.

How does this affect severance agreements before the February 2023 McClaren Macomb decision?

They could also be challenged. The GC even suggests she could prosecute back beyond the standard 6-month NLRA statute of limitations where the severance agreement provisions have ongoing effect. She notes that the NLRB has “settled cases involving severance agreements which had unlawfully broad terms that chilled the exercise of Section 7 rights by requiring the employer to notify its former employees that the overbroad provisions in their severance agreements no longer applied.” But she does not guarantee that would be the extent of the potential penalties.

Would the entire severance agreement be null and void due to just one overbroad provision?

It depends. The GC suggests the NLRB “generally make[s] decisions based solely on the unlawful provisions and would seek to have those voided out as opposed to the entire agreement, regardless of whether there is a severability clause or not”. She further offers that “while it may not cure a technical violation of an unlawful proffer, employers should consider remedying such violations now by contacting employees subject to severance agreements with overly broad provisions and advising them that the provisions are null and void and that they will not seek to enforce the agreements or pursue any penalties, monetary or otherwise, for breaches of those unlawful provisions.”

Why does the NLRA protect former employees in this situation?

Good question. Because the Board said so. But the GC adds, “In addition, former employees can play an important role in providing evidence to the NLRB and otherwise sharing information about the working conditions they experienced, in a way that constitutes both mutual aid and protection.”

Can the NLRB come between private contracting parties?

Yes, though the General Counsel doesn’t really answer that. Instead, she shifts the focus to the Board’s role “to address the inequality of bargaining power between employees, who do not possess full freedom of association or actual liberty of contract, and their employers . . . .”

What if employees request broad confidentiality or non-disparagement clauses?

They can ask, but the employer can’t provide it. Per the GC, “In that unlikely scenario, I would reiterate that the Board protects public rights that cannot be waived in a manner that prevents future exercise of those rights regardless of who initially raised the issue.” She also notes that unions could not waive these rights on behalf of employees.

What about other forms of employer-employee communications?

Pre-employment agreements or offer letters could be unlawful on the same theories as severance agreements.

Could any confidentiality provision in a severance agreement be lawful?

Yes, but not really. “Confidentiality clauses that are narrowly-tailored to restrict the dissemination of proprietary or trade secret information for a period of time based on legitimate business justifications may be considered lawful.” Such restrictions were likely already in place before the severance agreement, which may only be restating them for clarification/reiteration. The typical purpose of a confidentiality agreement in a severance agreement, especially if used to settle a pending claim, is to prevent public dissemination of information related to the employee’s potential claims against the employer. Any such restrictions would now likely violate McClaren Macomb.

Could any non-disparagement provision in a severance agreement be lawful?

Yes, but not really. “[A] narrowly-tailored, justified, non-disparagement provision that is limited to employee statements about the employer that meet the definition of defamation as being maliciously untrue, such that they are made with knowledge of their falsity or with reckless disregard for their truth or falsity, may be found lawful.” That is a non-defamation provision, not a non-disparagement provision. And state laws already protect against defamation, so there’s probably not much to be gained by putting such a clause in a severance agreement–especially at risk that the GC will somehow still find it’s overbroad.

Would a savings clause or disclaimer save overbroad provisions in a severance agreement?

Probably not. The General Counsel might be somewhat persuaded by a very extensive recitation of all possible rights protected by the NLRA and clear language that no such rights are being limited. However, there’s no guarantee that will help, and it’s unlikely many employers would be interested in taking that approach.

Does the GC view any other common severance agreement provisions as problematic?

Yes, of course. In particular, she points to non-compete clauses; no solicitation clauses; no-poaching clauses; broad liability releases and covenants not to sue; and cooperation requirements. There’s hope some of these might be acceptable in some situations, but employers proceed at their own risk.

Employer Response

What does all of this mean? Private companies in the U.S. have reason to fear that the NLRB will object to the severance agreements they’ve regularly used in the past. The same legal issues likely apply to settlement agreements used to resolve pending lawsuits and administrative proceedings.

If you use severance agreements with your separating employees, you should review them and reconsider your approach given these new pronouncements. However, that doesn’t necessarily mean every employer should adopt new agreements that don’t include confidentiality, non-disparagement, and other potentially challengeable provisions. NLRB rulings are not final, and there may be court challenges to the theories applied in McClaren Macomb and by the General Counsel. But it is critical to carefully weigh the risks and rewards of various approaches with the assistance of experienced labor counsel.

 

For more employment law updates, sign up for the Horton Law email newsletter and follow us on LinkedIn.