Category: Labor Law

NLRB Vacancy

Another NLRB Vacancy Coming Up

As discussed here, the U.S. Senate recently confirmed Marvin Kaplan to fill one of two vacancies on the National Labor Relations Board. There is still one current NLRB vacancy that labor attorney William Emanuel is likely to fill.

But that’s not the end of the labor board merry-go-round for President Trump’s first year in office. NLRB Chairman Philip Miscimarra’s term expires on December 16, 2017, and he has announced he will step aside at that time. This will create another opportunity for Trump to add another new Republican member to the Board.

Miscimarra indicated that he had been asked to stay for another term. However, he cited family reasons for choosing to leave the NLRB.

Miscimarra’s NLRB Tenure

Philip Miscimarra joined the Board on August 7, 2013, after nomination by then-President Obama and Senate confirmation. For virtually all of his time on the Board, Miscimarra was in the philosophical minority. He often issued dissenting opinions in significant cases decided by a Democratic majority.

Following President Trump’s inauguration, he named Miscimarra Acting Chair of the Board. Miscimarra was later named Chairman of the NLRB on April 24, 2017. Nonetheless, the Democrats retained the majority.

With Marvin Kaplan’s recent confirmation to fill one NLRB vacancy, Miscimarra will now lead a 2-2 split Board pending another confirmation. It is likely that the Senate will confirm William Emanuel after it’s August recess, finally giving Miscimarra a Republican majority for the last few months of his term.

Who Will Be the Next NLRB Chair?

When Trump took over as President, naming Miscimarra to be the Labor Board Chair was a no-brainer. He was the only Republican on the Board.

Now, however, the President will have options. Assuming Emanuel joins the Board before then, Trump could choose either him or Kaplan to Chair the NLRB. Alternatively, whoever replaces Miscimarra could be named Chair. Trump could even name Kaplan or Emanuel Acting Chair pending a confirmation of a new member to fill the NLRB vacancy Miscimarra’s departure will create.

About Miscimarra

Before joining the NLRB, Philip A. Miscimarra was a partner in Morgan Lewis & Bockius LLP‘s Chicago office. He was also a Senior Fellow in the Center for Human Resources at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton Business School.

Before joining Morgan Lewis in 2005, Miscimarra was a labor and employment attorney with Seyfarth Shaw LLP; Murphy Smith & Polk PC; and Reed Smith Shaw & McClay.

He received his Juris Doctor from the University of Pennsylvania Law School; a Masters in Business Administration from the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton Business School; and a Bachelor of Arts degree, summa cum laude, from Duquesne University.

Who Will Fill the Next NLRB Vacancy?

It’s too early to guess specific names, but it’s safe to assume the nominee will be a pro-employer Republican attorney.

On one hand, the recently-confirmed Member Kaplan has relatively little experience as a practicing labor attorney. On the other hand, pending nominee Emanuel has spent approximately five decades in that role. Odds would seem to favor a third-Republican NLRB member with experience somewhere between those two.

It may also be worth noting that Secretary of Labor Alex Acosta is a former NLRB Member. As President Trump has already show a propensity to shuffle his highest level personnel, Acosta’s name might even end up on the list for a possible new NLRB Chair depending on how the next few months go in Washington.

 

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Marvin Kaplan Confirmed NLRB

Who’s New at the NLRB? Marvin Kaplan and More

On August 2, 2017, the U.S. Senate confirmed Marvin Kaplan as a new member of the National Labor Relations Board. Kaplan, a Republican attorney with a decade of federal government experience, fills an open seat on the 5-member NLRB.

With Kaplan’s confirmation, one seat remains vacant. President Trump has nominated longtime management-side labor attorney William Emanuel to fill that opening.

Marvin Kaplan’s Background

Marvin Kaplan received his Bachelor’s Degree from Cornell University and his law degree from Washington University in St. Louis. After law school, he worked briefly as an associate in the Kansas City law firm of McDowell Rice Smith & Buchanan.

Before joining the NLRB, Kaplan was legal counsel to the federal Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission. Before that, he served as workforce policy counsel for the U.S. House Committee on Education and the Workforce. He also served as counsel for the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee and the Office of Labor-Management Standards.

Opposition to Kaplan’s Appointment

The Senate confirmed Kaplan by a 50-48 party-line vote.

Democrats opposed Kaplan as anti-workers. Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., claimed that, “As a House staffer he actively worked to strip workers of their rights.”

They also challenged his qualifications for the job of applying federal labor law. Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., offered, “And at his nomination hearing, Mr. Kaplan confused basic labor issues and decisions further proving he lacks the knowledge and experience to serve on this important board.”

On the whole pro-labor groups, including major labor unions, oppose Trump’s NLRB nominees. In a July 18, 2017 letter to the Senate, the AFL-CIO’s Government Affairs Department wrote:

“In recent years, some in Congress and in the business community have launched relentless attacks on the NLRB and sought to get key NLRB decisions and actions overturned. Kaplan and Emanuel have been part of these attacks, and they said nothing at the confirmation hearing to distance themselves from these attacks or suggest that they would bring a less hostile, and more pro-NLRA view to their work, should they be confirmed to the NLRB. Nor did either nominee make adequate commitments to recuse from cases and issues where there is real concern, based on their prior work and writings, that they have prejudged the issue and would not approach it with an open, unbiased mind.”

On the other hand, pro-business groups welcome Kaplan joining the Board. Glenn Spencer, Vice President of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce’s Workforce Freedom Initiative proclaimed, “Kaplan’s confirmation is certainly good news.”

Marvin Kaplan’s Expected Impact

There is every reason to believe that Marvin Kaplan will adhere to traditional Republican principles on key labor issues. This will ultimately lead to reversal of significant Obama-era NLRB decisions affecting millions of employers and employees. However, because the NLRB acts primarily by adjudicating actual cases, rather than rulemaking, the policy shifts will not be immediate.

The Senate will probably also confirm Republican William Emanuel after its August recess. That will give the Board a full 3-2 Republican majority. However, Richard Griffin, an Obama appointee, will continue as NLRB General Counsel until his term expires in November. Until then, he has some control over which cases are prosecuted and appealed within the agency. As a result, and considering the normal timeline of NLRB cases, we may not start seeing new decisions on major issues until 2018.

Who Will Be the Next NLRB General Counsel?

President Trump has not yet named anyone to replace Griffin as General Counsel. However, several names have surfaced as possible candidates.

G. Roger King, an apparent early front-runner for the position, has reportedly dropped out of consideration. King is a former Jones Day attorney, who now works for McGuiness & Yager LLP and the HR Policy Association.

As of August 3, 2017, Bloomberg BNA is reporting that Vermont attorney Peter B. Robb is now under consideration for the job. Robb practices labor and employment law with Downs Rachlin Martin PLLC. He served as chief counsel to NLRB Member Robert P. Hunter (R) in the 1980s.

Stay Tuned

The filling of these positions will likely have a significant impact on workplaces across the country.

I will continue to follow and report on these important National Labor Relations Board developments. Sign up for my email newsletter to make sure you don’t miss any future updates and insights.

Are Unions Bad?

Are Unions Bad? 4 Tips for Employers

Keeping in mind that this is a management law blog, I’m obviously coming at this from the perspective of employers, not unions. And the short answer to this question is that most companies don’t want their employees to organize a union in their workplace. Fundamentally, unions tend to increase costs and reduce management flexibility.

Here’s how unions can mean more time at the table and less time getting the work done.

Unions Are Businesses Too

Like your company, a union is a business. Most unions have employees. Employees who work for unions can even form their own unions. But we’re focusing on the situation where unions represent employees of an employer other than a union. Like a manufacturing facility or a construction company.

Unions make money by collecting dues from your employees. Often you as the employer are withholding the dues from your employees’ pay and transferring the money over to the union. This is money out of the pocket of your employees. Beyond dues, unions can also levy initiation fees, assessments, and fines on its members. Unions use this money to pay for their employees and other business expenses.

Union business is somewhat circular in some respects. Union organizers work to get their unions into your workplace. Then your employees pay dues to the union. The union uses the dues money to pay the organizers. So if you look at it this way, union organizers are salespeople who make money by selling a product: union representation.

To be sure, unions perform other services beyond unionizing. They also engage in lobbying, represent bargaining units in negotiations, and deal with day-to-day workplace disputes, including grievances and arbitrations. Employee dues pay for these functions as well. On one hand if unions have to work hard to earn this money, this means there are a lot of problems in the workplace. On the other hand, if there aren’t problems, then employees may feel like they’re not getting much for their money from the union.

Here’s the key lesson for employers (Tip #1): keep your workers happy and they won’t need to “hire” a union. Or if they already have one, they may decide to “fire” it if they perceive that they don’t need it any more.

Unions Prevent Dealing Directly with Employees

Once a union becomes the representative of a group of employees, the employer has to deal with the union directly regarding most terms and conditions of employment. This typically starts with negotiating a collective bargaining agreement. This is the contract that determines wages, benefits, discipline, and other matters affecting all employees in the represented bargaining unit.

It can take a long time–many months–to reach agreement on a contract with the union. In the meantime, employers’ hands are largely tied. They can’t unilaterally change wages, benefits, etc., unless the negotiations have reached an “impasse.”  And, of course, the union doesn’t always agree that there is an impasse. So an employer often acts at its own risk by making a change without union consent.

This means that if Employee A wants a raise, the employer can’t give it to him without union approval. And unions typically insist on lockstep compensation. Most often seniority determines employees’ wages. So if a new employee is more skilled, he or she will usually still make less money than a longer tenured employee who is not as talented.

The collective bargaining agreement may also control many aspects of scheduling, include overtime assignments. It can be difficult to work with an individual employee to do what may be best for both him and the company because of the strict requirements of the contract.

Tip #2: if you do have a union, it’s usually best to have a good relationship with its leaders. Not every aspect of the union-employer relationship has to be a fight. Good labor relations fosters more flexibility from both sides and should make things run smoother in most cases.

Job Protection Isn’t Always Just

Without a union, the default is that employees are employed “at will.”  This means they can resign or be let go for any reason with or without notice. But under union contracts, an employer usually can’t discipline an employee without “just cause.”

It may surprise you that no one really knows what “just cause” is. Ultimately, it’s whatever the arbitrator (or perhaps a court) says it is in a given case. If an employer disciplines an employee and the employee doesn’t like it, then the employee or the union can (and probably will) file a grievance. If the company doesn’t change the discipline to something the employee accepts, then the case may proceed to arbitration, requiring a hearing. Then the arbitrator hears both sides’ version of the situation and decides whether to uphold the discipline as imposed.

In my experience, employers don’t go around trying to find ways to get rid of good employees. (See my earlier post on getting rid of bad employees.) So, at least in cases of termination, grievances are most often serving one of two purposes: (1) contesting the supervisor’s motives or competence or (2) appeasing a bad employee. Sometimes the former has merit. But the latter seems to be more common.

The real problem is that grieving and arbitrating a bad employee’s discipline costs the union time and money. The money comes from the dues of all the employees. Most of them are good employees and will never grieve discipline. This is because either they aren’t disciplined or they recognize they deserved it. So, in other words, the good employees end up paying to support the bad employees.

Tip #3: hire good employees and hope they keep the bad ones in check. I know this tips seems overly simplistic. But the point is that it really pays to invest in good hiring methods. Including with respect to labor relations issues.

Employees Can Sue Unions

In case you’ve gotten this far and are wondering why unions spend good employees’ money to defend bad employees . . . see the heading above. Unions owe the employees they represent a “duty of fair representation.” That basically means they have to represent all of the employees fairly. (Well, I guess that was obvious.)

Actually, there is a pretty high standard for an employee to sue a union for breach of the duty of fair representation. The union has to have been pretty reckless in its treatment of a particular employee (or group of employees). But, like most everyone else, unions don’t really like to be sued. So they typically err on the side of caution and try to defend everyone who wants to contest their discipline.

Tip #4: in order to claim that the union has breached its duty of fair representation, an employee also has to allege that the employer has breached the collective bargaining agreement. Makes sense, right. The union didn’t have a duty to represent the employee if the company didn’t do something wrong. As a result, in these cases the union and employer essentially end up on the same side of the table opposite the employee. This is another of many reasons why, if you do have a union, you should try to maintain a professional working relationship, even if you won’t always agree.

Good Employers Don’t Need Unions

You’re a good employer right? If you took the time to read this, you probably are. There may be some flaws in your game, but you’re at least trying to do right by your employees.

Management and supervision is critical in rendering unions unnecessary. Unions can promise higher wages and better benefits, but only the employer can make those things a reality. So you always have the upper hand. But if your supervisors demean, ignore, or otherwise mistreat employees, they’ll look for someone else to protect them. That’s when union organizers get a foot in the door.

If you are a good employer that already has a union in your workplace, then your goal is improve your relationship with both the union and the employees to the point where it’s not so bad that the union is around. Then maybe at some point the employees will wonder why they are paying the union to be there at all. . . .