Category: NLRB

State Labor Relations Act

New York Tries to Expand State Labor Relations Jurisdiction

On September 5, 2025, Governor Kathy Hochul signed off on a potentially monumental change in New York’s labor law. The amendment to the New York State Labor Relations Act purports to give the New York Public Employment Relations Board (PERB) broad jurisdiction over private employers. As its name suggests, PERB historically focuses on public sector labor relations issues. The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), a federal agency, governs most private-sector labor relations throughout the country, including New York. Can New York step in and take over this historically federal role?

Read here for more on the scope of NLRB’s jurisdiction.

NYS Labor Relations Act Amendment

The amendment to Labor Law § 715 purports to expand PERB’s jurisdiction to private employers in a novel way. Specifically, the statute now provides that PERB has jurisdiction over private-sector labor relations unless the NLRB “successfully asserts jurisdiction over any employer, employees, trades, or industries pursuant to an order by the federal district court established under article three of the United States constitution.”

If you’re not sure what that means, you’re not alone. The wording appears to be ambiguous in multiple respects. But we do at least know what the NY Legislature wants it to mean.

State Senator Ramos sponsored the legislation in the NY Senate. Her introducer’s memorandum explains the goal: to prevent a gap in labor law enforcement during periods when the NLRB cannot act, such as when the Board lacks a quorum. In other words, “This bill intends to give New York the power to protect employees if the National Labor Relations Board is not fulfilling its duty.”

The amendment took effect immediately upon signing.

Federal Preemption

The NY Legislature knows that this amendment will face preemption challenges. The Sponsor’s memo acknowledges that “[u]nder current law the National Labor Relations Act preempts any attempt to take up these cases at the state level.”

The Supreme Court has long held that the NLRA preempts most state regulation of private-sector labor relations:

  • Garmon preemption blocks state action in areas “arguably protected or prohibited” by the NLRA.

  • Machinists preemption blocks states from regulating areas Congress intended to leave to the “free play of economic forces.”

The Sponsor’s memo asserts that “The National Labor Relations Act simply remaining in place does not guarantee that the provisions will successfully protect employees.” Thus, the Legislature’s theory seems to be that by amending state law as they have, PERB can assert jurisdiction unless the NLRB stops it from doing so. However, that reasoning still appears to be at odds with established preemption case law.

The Garmon and Machinists preemption doctrines don’t shut off just because the NLRB is not acting. Federal law still governs, even if enforcement is delayed.

There are two narrow exceptions where states can act:

  1. When the NLRB formally declines jurisdiction over entire categories of employers under NLRA § 14(c)(2) (e.g., very small local businesses).

  2. When the NLRB cedes jurisdiction to a state agency under NLRA § 10(a).

New York’s amendment doesn’t fit either exception. Instead, it aims directly at the NLRB’s core jurisdiction, effectively daring federal courts to enforce existing preemption standards.

On September 12, 2025, the NLRB sued the State of New York and its PERB seeking to enjoin the enforcement of the amendment. If the NLRB (which is not itself an employer subject to the NYS law) is deemed to lack standing, then private parties may need to take up the litigation fight.

How New York’s State Labor Relations Act Differs from the NLRA

One reason the recent amendment is so consequential is that New York’s own Labor Relations Act is not just a copy of the NLRA. The differences are significant.

Devalues Employer Interests

Most importantly, the New York law is written as a one-sided protection for employees. The NLRA recognizes both employee rights and certain employer rights. The New York state labor relations statute does not include that balancing language. Its focus is on ensuring employees’ right to organize.

Certification procedures under the state law are also potentially more favorable to unions. While the NLRB strongly favors secret-ballot elections, the NY State Labor Relations Act permits certification based on alternative showings of majority support. In practice, that could mean greater reliance on card-check recognition and fewer opportunities for employers to communicate with their employees before a union is installed.

Lacks Relevant Precedent

The NLRA has nearly 90 years of precedent guiding questions like: What is an appropriate bargaining unit? When is an election necessary? What counts as unlawful conduct during a campaign? PERB has far less (essentially zero) precedent in the private-sector setting, and the State Labor Relations Act does not replicate all the more detailed parameters found in federal law. In essence, PERB would be starting from scratch in this area.

Broader Remedies

Finally, remedies under the state law are not identical to those under the NLRA. At the federal level, remedies are historically limited: reinstatement, back pay, and cease-and-desist orders. The New York statute authorizes PERB to fashion remedies for unfair labor practices with little guidance on limits. Without decades of judicial gloss, employers could face new uncertainty about what remedies PERB might impose.

In short, if PERB were to exercise jurisdiction broadly under this amendment, employers would not simply be dealing with the familiar NLRA system transplanted to Albany. They would be operating under a different statute—one that is more protective of employees, less protective of employers, and far less developed in terms of jurisprudence.

What Employers Should Do

  • Stay alert to petitions. If a union files at PERB citing the new law, you may need to respond quickly with a preemption defense.

  • Know your thresholds. If you are in one of the small categories where the NLRB has formally declined jurisdiction, PERB jurisdiction is nothing new—it already applied.

  • Prepare for litigation. Expect forum fights. Legal battles are inevitable—effectively invited by the amendment. The question is which employers will be the ones stuck in the crosshairs and forced to take up the fight.

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2025 NLRB Board Member Nominees

Trump Names First 2025 NLRB Board Member Nominees

On July 17, 2025, President Trump submitted the nominations of Scott Mayer, Boeing’s chief labor counsel, and James Murphy, a veteran NLRB attorney, to fill the two Republican vacancies on the National Labor Relations Board. These 2025 NLRB Board nominations represent the next step toward re-establishing a functioning Board after a prolonged standoff that began in January.

The Removal of Gwynne Wilcox

In a rare and consequential move, President Trump removed Democratic Member Gwynne Wilcox on January 27, 2025, despite her term being set to run through August 2028. Notably, no allegations of misconduct or neglect of duty accompanied her dismissal. Wilcox quickly filed suit, citing the National Labor Relations Act’s explicit requirement that a Board member may only be removed for cause—specifically, neglect of duty or malfeasance.

A federal district court sided with Wilcox in March, ordering her reinstatement. But that decision was stayed—first by the D.C. Circuit and then by the U.S. Supreme Court in May, effectively allowing the removal to stand for the time being. The legal battle remains active and may ultimately prompt the Court to revisit long-standing precedent that limits presidential authority to remove members of independent agencies.

Frozen in Limbo

Since Wilcox’s removal, the NLRB has operated with only two sitting members—Republican Chairman Marvin Kaplan and Democrat David Prouty—leaving it without the three-member quorum required to issue decisions or take formal action. As a result, hundreds of pending matters, from unfair labor practice charges to union election petitions, have ground to a halt. While pro-labor rulings from the Biden era remain in effect, the current Board lacks the quorum necessary to issue new decisions or revisit those precedents.

Meet the First 2025 NLRB Board Member Nominees

Scott Mayer: A Corporate Counsel with Management Credibility

Scott Mayer currently serves as chief labor and employment counsel at Boeing, one of the world’s largest aerospace manufacturers and a frequent player in high-stakes labor relations. Mayer has spent much of his career advising corporate leadership on collective bargaining strategy, managing labor disputes, and responding to union organizing efforts across Boeing’s nationwide facilities. His public record includes involvement in some of the most contentious labor negotiations in the private sector, including disputes involving the International Association of Machinists and the SPEEA engineers’ union.

Prior to joining Boeing, Mayer worked in private practice representing employers in labor and employment matters. He is regarded as a strategic thinker with a deep understanding of the National Labor Relations Act and a clear preference for traditional, employer-focused interpretations of Board precedent. While not as publicly outspoken as some prior nominees, his record reflects a consistent orientation toward limiting the reach of union-friendly doctrines and maintaining management flexibility in workforce decisions.

If confirmed, Mayer would likely favor curbing Board deference to union access, narrowing the definition of protected concerted activity, and restoring business-friendly case law on discipline, surveillance, and employer speech rights.

James Murphy: The Institutional Insider

In contrast to Mayer’s corporate pedigree, James Murphy brings an insider’s grasp of Board operations after five decades of government service. A career attorney at the NLRB, Murphy has advised both Republican and Democratic-led Boards over the years, contributing to the General Counsel’s office and supporting enforcement in regional investigations and appellate litigation.

Murphy is respected among practitioners as a procedural expert who knows the internal workings of the agency better than almost anyone. Though not publicly outspoken, his long tenure has made him a stabilizing figure within the institution. Republicans likely view Murphy as a safe pick to provide continuity and procedural discipline while still aligning with conservative views on the limits of Board power.

His experience also makes him an ideal candidate to help unwind recent doctrinal shifts and reassert the Board’s more traditional enforcement approach, particularly in the wake of regulatory and decisional experimentation during the Biden years.

What Confirmation of Mayer and Murphy Would Mean

Confirmation of Mayer and Murphy would immediately restore the Board’s quorum and give Republicans a 3–2 majority. Mayer’s term would run into 2029, and Murphy’s into 2027, solidifying a longer-term shift in the Board’s ideological direction.

With a new Republican majority in place, the Board could quickly revisit and reverse several high-profile decisions issued in recent years. Potential areas for change include:

  • Narrowing the definition of “joint employer”

  • Reversing rules limiting employers’ ability to hold mandatory meetings opposing unionization

  • Redefining what constitutes protected concerted activity under the National Labor Relations Act

  • Relaxing restrictions on employee handbooks and workplace policies

For employers and management-side counsel, these changes would represent a significant shift from the Board’s recent trajectory and a return to more traditional interpretations of the Act.

A Time Pressure Scenario

Chairman Kaplan’s term is set to expire on August 27, 2025, and he has not been nominated for reappointment. This creates a time-sensitive dynamic for the confirmation process for these 2025 NLRB nominations. If Mayer and Murphy are confirmed before Kaplan’s term expires, the Board will immediately regain quorum and a Republican majority. If confirmation is delayed until after Kaplan steps down, Prouty, a Democrat, could temporarily become the only Board member and de facto chair. Without quorum, his authority would be limited. Nonetheless, it would present a politically awkward scenario under a Republican administration.

Why Employers Should Pay Attention to These 2025 NLRB Nominations

The outcome of this series of events will shape the labor law landscape for years to come. Employers should closely monitor both the confirmation timeline and the ongoing litigation over Wilcox’s removal. If the Supreme Court ultimately rules in Trump’s favor, it could fundamentally alter the degree of independence enjoyed by administrative agencies.

Trump’s first 2025 NLRB Board Member nominations are more than mere personnel decisions. They are a calculated move to reclaim control of the NLRB ahead of Kaplan’s impending departure. If Mayer and Murphy are confirmed, the Board will resume its decision-making authority with a Republican majority. Until then, labor-friendly precedents remain the controlling administrative interpretation of many aspects of the NLRA. And hanging over it all is the unresolved question of whether a president can lawfully remove a sitting NLRB member without cause—a constitutional showdown that may soon reach its climax.

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Kaplan NLRB Chair

Kaplan NLRB Chair Again Upon Trump Inauguration

On January 20, 2025, newly inaugurated President Donald J. Trump promptly reinstated Marvin E. Kaplan as Chairman of the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). Kaplan, who has been a member of the NLRB since August 10, 2017, previously served as its Chairman from December 21, 2017, to April 15, 2018. His current term is set to expire on August 27, 2025.

Prior to his tenure at the NLRB, Kaplan held several government positions, including Chief Counsel to the Chairman of the Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission, counsel for the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, and policy counsel for the House Committee on Education and the Workforce. He also served at the U.S. Department of Labor’s Office of Labor Management Standards and practiced law with McDowell Rice Smith & Buchanan. Kaplan earned his B.S. from Cornell University and his J.D. from Washington University in St. Louis.

Current Composition of the NLRB

As of January 20, 2025, the NLRB comprises the following members:

  • Marvin E. Kaplan (Chairman): Republican appointee serving a term expiring on August 27, 2025.
  • David M. Prouty: Democratic appointee with a term expiring on August 26, 2026.
  • Gwynne A. Wilcox: Democratic appointee serving a term expiring on August 27, 2028.

Two seats on the five-member board are currently vacant. Notably, former Chair Lauren McFerran’s term expired on December 16, 2024, and her reappointment was blocked by the Senate in a 50-49 vote, with Senators Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema joining Republicans in opposing the nomination. That vote will allow President Trump to nominate replacements, and will certainly result in shifting the board to a Republican majority in the near future.

Anticipated Changes and Impact

With President Trump’s reappointment of Kaplan as Chairman and the opportunity to fill the two vacant seats, the NLRB is poised for a significant shift in its policy direction. Historically, Republican-majority boards have favored more employer-friendly interpretations of labor laws. Employers and labor organizations should prepare for reversals of pro-union decisions made during the previous administration.

In addition to changes in board composition, it is expected that President Trump will promptly appoint a new General Counsel to the NLRB, replacing Jennifer Abruzzo. The General Counsel plays a crucial role in setting enforcement priorities and interpreting labor laws, further influencing the Board’s direction.

These developments suggest a forthcoming pro-employer shift in labor policy, affecting union activities, collective bargaining processes, and employer-employee relations across the United States. Employers should stay informed and adapt to the evolving regulatory landscape.

 

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