Author: Scott Horton

Scott has been practicing Labor & Employment law in New York for almost 20 years. He has represented over 400 employers and authored 100s of articles and presentations and wrote the book New York Management Law: The Practical Guide to Employment Law for Business Owners and Managers. Nothing on this blog can be considered legal advice. If you want legal advice, you need to retain an attorney.

2020 EEOC Charges

2020 EEOC Charges Continued Trump Administration Trend

Employees filed fewer discrimination claims with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in fiscal year 2020 than any year since at least 1992. The COVID-19 pandemic might have contributed, but the 2020 EEOC charges continued an annual decline seen throughout Donald Trump’s presidency. Should we expect more charges with President Biden in the White House?

FY 2020 EEOC Charges

The latest annual data refer to the 12-month fiscal year ending September 30, 2020. The EEOC received 67,448 charges of employment discrimination during this period. The charges span several federal laws, including Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA), the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA), the Equal Pay Act, and the Genetic Information Non-Discrimination Act (GINA).

More than half (55.8%) of the charges included a retaliation claim, often in addition to claims based on other protected characteristics.

Here is the percentage of total charges that asserted discrimination based on those other characteristics:

  • Disability – 36.1%
  • Race – 32.7%
  • Sex – 31.7%
  • Age – 21%
  • National Origin – 9.5%
  • Color – 5.3%
  • Religion – 3.6%
  • Equal Pay – 1.5%
  • Genetic Information – 0.7%

Totals exceed 100%, as charges can allege more than one category.

Harassment charges, which can be based on any protected characteristic, also continued to fall in FY 2020. Of the total EEOC charges filed last year, 24,221 (35.9%) included a harassment claim.

Sexual Harassment Charges in 2020

Claims of sex-based harassment fell to 11,497, down 11.9% from the FY 2018 peak sparked by the #MeToo movement. That number includes all charges alleging harassment based related to one’s sex (treating people of one sex less favorably than others). The EEOC separately tracks harassment of a sexual nature.

Charges alleging harassment of a sexual nature also fell to the lowest level in many years. The EEOC received 6,587 such charges in FY 2020, down 13.4% from 2018, and 17.1% from 2010.

Trends Since 2016

FY 2016 ended September 30th of that year. Donald Trump was elected in November 2016, and became President on January 20, 2017.

Total EEOC charges fell each year of the Trump Administration, after fluctuating but staying relatively flat during President Obama’s two terms.

EEOC Charges During Trump Administration Graph

EEOC Charges During Obama Administration Graph

What’s Going On?

One reasonable conclusion from the data is that the EEOC was less receptive to employee complaints under President Trump. Note that we are looking at charges that employees brought to the EEOC. What the EEOC did with them after that does not show up in these statistics. So, could the EEOC itself be a factor?

There are likely many ways that the EEOC could affect charge filings. The agency can alter the level of outreach it performs. Potentially, its case handling practices could deter employees from bothering to bring a case forward. It is plausible that both of these occurred during the Trump Administration. However, there could be other causes.

More State Filings?

Another arguably related rationale may be that some employees chose to file their employment discrimination claims with state agencies rather than the EEOC. The EEOC does not fully report state filing data, some of which it likely doesn’t have. However, it does report sexual harassment cases filed in each state, including with state agencies. In total, those cases rose measurably in 2018 and 2019 before dropping back to nearly the 2017 level in 2020. Such cases also dropped gradually over Obama’s eight years as President. This data doesn’t clarify whether employees have shifted their filing preferences from the EEOC to state agencies. But they do suggest that such a shift, if it exists, doesn’t fully explain a reduction in EEOC charges. Nationwide, employees are likely filing fewer discrimination claims overall.

Improved Workplace Culture?

Perhaps incidents of employment discrimination are declining? Maybe. Hopefully. A better way of putting this would probably be that fewer employees feel it is worth it to file discrimination claims. Not every employment discrimination claim has merit, of course. And many employees who suffer discrimination never report it, much less file a formal complaint with a government agency.

Political or Economic Influence?

One way to analyze the difference between the Obama and Trump administrations is to look back at previous presidencies. Maybe the party in control is a variable in EEOC filing statistics.

Bush

Between fiscal years 2001 and 2017, under President George W. Bush (R), the EEOC received an average of 80,000 charges each year. The numbers nearly reached as low as 75,000 in 2005 and 2006, before increasing to 82,792 charges in FY 2007. Then, in 2008, employees filed 95,402 EEOC charges. That comparatively high number was likely related to extreme financial distress as a result of the Great Recession. When more employees lose their jobs and have no alternative source of income, discrimination claims are apt to rise. Those same factors may have contributed to higher numbers of charges during Obama’s first term.

Clinton

Democrat Bill Clinton became President in January 1993. Total EEOC charges increased from 72,302 to 87,942 between FY 1992 and FY 1993. That’s a 21.6% uptick, the largest one-year increase in at least the past 30 years. However, it’s almost entirely accounted for by the implementation of the ADA, which the EEOC began enforcing on July 26, 1992. Disability discrimination claims accounted for 15,274 charges in FY 1993, compared to only 1,048 the previous year. After peaking at 91,189 charges in 1994, there were less than 80,000 charges filed per year over the last five years of the Clinton Administration–slightly below Bush-era levels.

Digging Into the 2020 EEOC Charge Statistics

That history doesn’t seem to explain fully why EEOC charges dropped throughout the Trump presidency. But what else can we find out from the data on 2020 EEOC charges?

All statistics used for this article are available here.

Race/Color Discrimination

The EEOC reports 22,064 charges alleging race discrimination in FY 2020. That’s easily the fewest such claims in the history of the EEOC dataset going back to 1992, representing a 38.5% drop since the peak a decade earlier in FY 2010. Both in absolute numbers and as a percentage of total EEOC charges, race discrimination claims were lower in each of the past three years than at any point over the past three decades.

However, charges based on color discrimination have increased. In FY 2020, 5.3% of charges (3,562) included a claim of color discrimination–the highest level ever for such claims on both a percentage and absolute basis. The reasonable assumption is that more employees are raising color discrimination claims instead of race discrimination. Yet, employees can claim discrimination based on both race and color. So, the increase in color discrimination claims doesn’t necessarily explain the reduction in race discrimination claims.

National Origin Discrimination

Charges alleging national origin discrimination also dropped precipitously under the Trump Administration, from 9,840 in FY 2016 to 6,377 in FY 2020–a 35.2% decline. However, this trend began earlier. National original discrimination charges also dropped 7.5% during Obama’s second term after reaching their historical high-water mark during his first four years.

Other Categories

Charges alleging discrimination based on sex, religion, age, and disability all declined in FY 2020 (as in 2017-2019). But the declines were roughly proportionate to the overall case volume.

It may be of some note that charges alleging GINA violations (genetic information discrimination) more than doubled in 2020 to an all-time high. Yet, they still only accounted for less than 1% of all cases.

Looking Ahead

There are several reasons to believe that employment discrimination charges will go up as soon as 2021.

First, people who lost their jobs due to the coronavirus pandemic still have time to file. In many states, employees have up to 300 days to file an EEOC charge, or maybe longer to file with a similar state agency. The longer people remain out of work, the more incentive they have to assert a claim against a former employer. Plus, COVID-19 probably created logistical issues delaying some filings, which will now appear in the 2021 statistics.

Second, the Biden Administration likely will focus more on protecting employees than its predecessors. Efforts will probably include both extended outreach and more aggressive prosecution of employers. If employees feel like they will have a receptive agency, they should be more prone to file charges.

Third, COVID-19 has changed the workplace in ways that ultimately won’t solve employment discrimination. Harassment and other forms of discrimination could have occurred less often over the past year because people were not physically in workplaces. But discrimination can also occur by remote means, and employees may gradually become more aware of their rights relative to the new work environment. Plus, many people will return to work on-site, where traditional acts of harassment will probably, unfortunately, still be perpetrated.

As ever, employers should be proactive in preventing employment discrimination. Anti-harassment training is one viable approach. Effective hiring practices, training, and supervision are also critical.

NY Wage Deductions

New York Wage Deductions (Webinar Recap)

On February 25, 2021, I presented a complimentary webinar called “New York Wage Deductions”. For those who couldn’t attend the live webinar, I’m happy to make it available for you to watch at your convenience.

In the webinar, I discuss:

  • Prohibited Payroll Practices
  • Permissible Deductions
  • Recovery Overpayments
  • Wage Advances

New York laws begin with the premise that employees will be paid their agreed compensation in full for all time worked. Of course, the state and federal governments want their taxes and are happy to allow for such monies to be withheld from paychecks. Some other deductions are also permissible, such as insurance contributions and charitable donations.

But New York is among the most restrictive states when it comes to what employers can take out of their employees’ pay. Not all of the limitations are intuitive. Some prohibited deductions are perfectly acceptable in other jurisdictions, creating additional complications for companies with multi-state operations.

Don’t have time to watch the whole webinar right now? Click here to download the slides from the webinar.

Why You Should Watch “New York Wage Deductions”

If you have any role in compensation decisions or payroll in your company with employees in New York, then you should be familiar with these limits on taking money out of employees’ wages.

Did you know that New York employers can’t deduct money due to cash register shortages or as fines for violating workplace rules? (Or, conversely, did you know that these methods are acceptable in some states?)

Yes, New York employers can recover inadvertent overpayments to employees. But only in certain circumstances. And you must follow specific procedures.

Plus, many businesses make loans or wage advancement to employees. Make sure you recognize the restrictions on this practice. They’re discussed in this webinar.

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PRO Act

PRO Act Reintroduced To Expand Federal Labor Rights

The Protecting the Right to Organize Act (PRO Act) was reintroduced in the U.S. House of Representatives on February 4, 2021. The House passed this bill in 2020, but it was dead on arrival in the then-Republican-controlled Senate. As proposed, the PRO Act remains unlikely to win Senate approval this year. However, Democrats will continue to advocate vigorously for its sweeping pro-labor measures.

PRO Act Targets – What Laws Would Change?

The full PRO Act aims to amend several federal labor laws, including the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) and the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA).

These laws currently govern the relationship between employers and labor unions in private (non-government) workplaces. They address how employees organize to engage in collective bargaining and things like what public disclosures unions must make about their finances. The NLRA also provides direct protections to employees who are not represented by unions.

Expanding Worker Coverage

The PRO Act includes several measures to expand the NLRA’s rights to more workers. It does this by classifying more workers as “employees.”

Independent Contractors

The NLRA covers “employees,” which is defined to exclude some workers in a workplace. One excluded category includes individuals who are off the employer’s payroll, but still provide services for the company. Often identified by receiving a Form 1099 vs. a W-2 for tax purposes, these workers are considered “independent contractors.”

The PRO Act would expand the universe of employees by further limiting those who qualify as independent contractors.

An individual would only qualify as an independent contractor if all of the following apply:

  1. The individual is free from the employer’s control in connection with the performance of the service.
  2. The service is performed outside the usual course of the business of the employer.
  3. The individual is customarily engaged in an independently established trade, occupation, profession, or business of the same nature as that involved in the service performed.

Supervisors

Recognizing that a business must have a management team to represent it in dealing with unions, the NLRA excludes “supervisors” from the group covered as employees.

Currently, a supervisor is “any individual having authority, in the interest of the employer, to hire, transfer, suspend, lay off, recall, promote, discharge, assign, reward, or discipline other employees, or responsibly to direct them, or to adjust their grievances, or effectively to recommend such action, if in connection with the foregoing the exercise of such authority is not of a merely routine or clerical nature, but requires the use of independent judgment.”

The PRO Act would fundamentally change the definition in two ways. First, it would remove “assign” and “responsibly to direct” from the list of supervisory duties. Second, it would require that one or more of the remaining functions occupy “a majority of the individual’s worktime.” The result would be fewer “supervisors” and more “employees.”

Joint Employers

The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), which administers the NLRA, has vacillated on its joint employer standard in recent years. The question is whether two separate business entities both qualify as an employee’s employer. Typical scenarios involve staffing agencies and franchised businesses.

With a current Republican majority, the NLRB has returned to a less expansive interpretation of joint employer status. This approach is generally considered good for business and not as beneficial for employees, or at least unions. The PRO Act would codify a broad joint employer standard. A company would qualify as an individual’s employer even with only indirect control or reserved authority to control the work relationship.

Expanding Workers’ Rights

Some aspects of the PRO Act would diminish employers’ control over their businesses by shifting it to the employees.

Strike Replacements

Unless they have contractually waived the right, employees and their unions may strike to gain bargaining leverage with their employers. Under longstanding law, employers have the right to hire permanent replacements for striking workers in many situations. The PRO Act would strip employers of that right to make it harder for companies to operate without striking workers. It would also enable unions to engage in “secondary” picketing, strikes, or boycotts in support of a third-party company’s workers.

Lockouts

The flip side of going on strike, employers may “lock out” their employees (i.e., keep them from working) during contract negotiations. The PRO Act would prohibit lockouts before the union has initiated a strike.

“Captive Audience Meetings”

The NLRA allows employers to hold meetings where they share their views on a union organizing campaign with employees. Attendance may be mandatory, as the employees are being paid, but employers must stay within legal parameters on what they say.

The PRO Act would make such meetings illegal despite continuing to permit unions to meet with employees they seek to organize.

Additional Issues

The PRO Act is an omnibus pro-labor bill. It contains virtually every legal change unions would universally like to have made to the NLRA. Beyond those described above, provisions include:

  • Requiring employers to maintain existing terms of employment indefinitely until a first contract is negotiated with a newly recognized union.
  • Introducing interest arbitration to establish a first contract, with awards based largely on employee prosperity.
  • Making misclassification of an employee as an independent contractor a direct violation of the NLRA.
  • Prohibiting class-action litigation waivers.
  • Establishing expedited union election rules.
  • Enabling the NLRB to overrule election results and direct union representation upon a finding of employer interference in a fair election.
  • Permitting employees to use company email for “concerted activity,” including unionizing activity.
  • Eliminating “right to work” states by entitling unions to receive “fair share” fees from non-member employees notwithstanding contrary state laws.
  • Compelling employers to notify all employees, including new hires, of their rights under the NLRA.

Expanding Penalties

The NLRA has never relied on extensive monetary damages to compel compliance. Instead, it emphasizes legally enforceable “make whole” orders that require employers to take action consistent with the law (or refrain from inconsistent action). The law does, however, require employers to compensate employees for lost earnings and benefits connected to unlawful conduct.

The PRO Act introduces a broader array of financial consequences for unfair labor practices. Borrowing from other employment laws, it would make front pay and consequential damages, as well as liquidated and punitive damages and attorneys’ fees, recoverable. But it goes further than other federal employment laws by authorizing double liquidated damages (additional damages equal to twice the lost wages award) and eliminating the common mitigation requirement (allowing employees to recover wages even that they have already earned through alternative employment).

In addition to damages payable to workers, the PRO Act introduces various civil penalties payable to the government. Penalties could reach $50,000, or $100,000 for a repeat offense or one that involves employee discharge or serious economic harm.

The PRO Act would also enable employees to bypass the NLRB and take their claims of NLRA violation to the courts in many situations.

Persuader Activity Disclosure

By amending the LMRDA, the PRO Act would require employers to engage in broader public disclosure of arrangements with consultants related to labor-relations activities. This expansion aims to include representation by attorneys, potentially curtailing the attorney-client privilege.

Study of Foreign Labor Laws

The PRO Act requires the Comptroller General to complete a study of “the laws, policies, and procedures in countries outside the United States governing collective bargaining at the level of an industry sector, including the laws, policies, and procedures involved in” issues related to collective bargaining. Congress would receive this report in support of considering additional changes to U.S. labor laws. Recognizing that many countries have a structural history of more extensive union involvement in business operations, this reporting requirement aims to yield even more pro-labor amendments.

Employers Beware

Simply put, the PRO Act would radically alter the landscape of American workplaces, as is the intent. The balance of power would undeniably shift toward employees and unions in particular.

The current 50-50 split in the U.S. Senate may keep the PRO Act from becoming law in its entirety. Republicans would almost certainly filibuster the legislation to prevent it from coming up for a vote. However, Democrats will not stop trying to legislate for as many of the PRO Act’s components as possible. They may be able to achieve some through the filibuster-proof reconciliation process and perhaps some even through old-fashion political dealmaking with Republican Senators.

So, while the PRO Act’s enactment is not an imminent certainty, the prospect should keep the business community on alert. If the filibuster falls by the wayside and/or Democrats gain a larger majority in Congress, these dramatic labor changes could become a stark reality.

 

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